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On Feb. 6, 1996, Bill Clinton met in the White House with the CEO of a major gun manufacturing company. The same gun maker flooded the U.S. market with over 400,000 assault rifles in 1994. Only a few months after the meeting with Clinton in 1996, the same gun dealers tried to smuggle over 2,000 machine guns to U.S. drug gangs.
No Democrat will talk about this particular gun company on the floor of Congress, nor will the Democratic National Committee answer questions in front of the press. Even the first lady, Hillary Clinton, carefully avoids any references to her involvement with the very same gun manufacturer.
The reason for the silence from the DNC is simple. Bill Clinton’s close relationship with Poly Technologies Corp., an arms company wholly owned by Chinese generals, brought great profits to the People’s Liberation Army and large contributions into Democrat coffers.
Poly Tech also exports the most popular gun in the world; it manufactures and sells the infamous AK-47. The AK-47, and its familiar banana-shaped magazine of bullets, has adorned the shoulders of terrorists who hijack planes and graced the flags of radical nations. Many an American has died from the AK-47s 7.62 x 39mm bullet.
According to documents forced from the U.S. Department of Commerce by a federal lawsuit, Poly Tech made great profits in America thanks to Bill Clinton. “Poly Tech,” states the 1997 report, “sold hundreds of millions of dollars of largely surplus arms around the world, exporting to customers in Thailand, Burma, Iran, Pakistan, and the United States…. These sales peaked in
1987, when Poly sold more than US$500 million in weapons.”
Poly Tech’s prime U.S. subsidiary, PTK International of Atlanta, Ga., was run by Chinese princeling, Baoping “Robert” Ma. Robert Ma’s family business included “importation and distribution of semi-automatic rifles for the U.S. domestic market…. Between 1987 and 1993 PTK sold more than US$200 million worth of these guns in the United States.”
According to the report, Poly Tech took advantage of Clinton’s 1994 executive order banning assault weapons, including a ban on gun imports from the Chinese army.
“Loopholes allowed importers to bend the rules,” states the report. “Specifically, Congress exempted weapons in transit post hoc. The U.S. Treasury initially estimated this exemption would cover 12,000 weapons, but importers actually brought in 440,000.”
In 1994, President Clinton and the Democrat-controlled Congress gave the PLA their greatest gun sales spree in America with a “loophole.” Poly Tech officials crammed Chinese flag carrier (COSCO) ships bound for America with every weapon they could scrape from their massive inventory, selling them at inflated prices brought by Clinton’s ban. In a single stroke of Clinton’s pen, the PLA made over $100 million in windfall profits.
On Feb. 6, 1996, Poly Tech Chairman Wang Jun met with Ron Brown, and later that night, the Chinese arms dealer attended one of the infamous White House “coffee” sessions. Wang was invited to the coffee at the White House at the behest of convicted felon Charlie Trie. In 1998, Wang refused to be interviewed by House Investigators looking into the Chinagate scandal.
Poly Tech was founded in 1985 as a subsidiary of China’s powerful central bank, CITIC (China International Trust and Investment Corporation). In 1996, the Chinese headquarters of Poly Tech was run by Wang Jun and his “princeling” friend, the powerful He Ping, son-in-law of Deng Xiaoping. Wang was not only Poly Tech CEO but also a director of CITIC. Thus, the PLA “commercial” arms outlet, Poly Tech, also provided CITIC credit to customers.
The curious mix of communism, capitalism and corruption ended in August 1996, when Poly Tech’s U.S. operations were closed by a U.S. Customs sting operation. Allegedly, Poly Tech’s man in America, Robert Ma, conspired with China North Industries (NORINCO) representative, Richard Chen, to import 2,000 fully automatic AK-47s into the United States to Customs agents posing as Miami drug smugglers.
However, according to the 100-page federal indictment from one of the key undercover agents, Chen and Ma had to call back to PLA headquarters in Beijing to obtain the 2,000 machine guns. According to the Customs agent’s deposition, Chen and Ma had difficulty in getting the “barrels” because they required “higher-level permission.”
Yet, Poly Tech Executive Director Xie Datong stated on the record that the machine gun transfer did not require permission from the Chinese general staff. Xie Datong, also a corporate officer of Poly’s American subsidiary PTK, claimed the weapons were transferred from stockpiles from the general logistics division of the PLA.
Whether Chinese generals attempted to smuggle machine guns into America may never be answered. Ma and company fled the country. Gunrunner Robert Ma and all of the Chinese executives that served Poly Tech, escaped the grasp of the inept Janet Reno and Louis Freeh. Ma was reportedly one step ahead of FBI agents who had a warrant for his arrest.
Clearly, the Chinese generals made a profit from illegal gun smuggling. President Jiang Zemin certainly has no incentive to return Robert Ma into the hands of U.S. justice, nor has Bill Clinton made any attempt to ask his “strategic” partners in Beijing.
However, the Poly Tech story goes deeper than just a few Chinese generals and a princeling or two. According to another document obtained from the Commerce Department, the 2,000 machine guns were to be transferred to the Long Beach port in California onboard the COSCO ship, the Princess Bride. However, “a leak from the State Dept alerted the company, which then canceled the delivery.”
“COSCO,” according to Defense Department intelligence officials, “operates a fleet of ELINT (electronic intelligence) trawlers for the PRC government. … When China delivers missiles or chemical agents to the Middle East, specially outfitted COSCO ships deliver them.”
The close relationship between the PRC (People’s Republic of China) and the DNC also appears in the halls of the Senate. On March 7, 1997, Sen. Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., told the press that she and five other lawmakers had been targeted by the Chinese government. In response, Feinstein returned $12,000 she had obtained from John Huang and other donors linked to the Lippo Group.
Sen. Feinstein is well known as an ardent fan of the reds in Beijing.
She has opposed a U.S. anti-missile defense, supported China’s MFN status, supported the COSCO purchase of Long Beach port and is a well-known opponent of linking human rights with trade. However, Feinstein’s financial ties to the communist Chinese and COSCO include her husband, Richard Blum.
Blum is reported to be heavily tied to the PRC through his Far East investment firm, Newbridge Capitol Corp. Blum’s partner at Newbridge, Peter Kwok, also served as a consultant to COSCO, and COSCO Hong Kong Holdings, a company owned by Chinese billionaire Li Ka-Shing. In 1989, Kwok helped CITIC and Li Ka-Shing raise $120 million to buy a Hughes-built communications satellite for a company also part owned by Chinese generals.
Senator Feinstein is far closer to Red China than just a few business ties to her husband would suggest. The Los Angeles Times reported in 1997 that Blum and Feinstein have visited with communist Chinese officials three times. Blum reportedly accompanied the senator at his own expense and met with President Jiang Zemin and other top communist party officials. In January 1996, Feinstein and Blum were honored as the first foreigners to stay at Mao Tse-tung’s former residence.
One Feinstein document that screams out for further investigation is a letter dated Nov. 1, 1994, from a million-dollar Democratic donor to President Clinton. Investment banker and Democratic fund-raiser, Sanford R. Robertson, wrote a “thank you” note to Clinton for a Ron Brown trade mission to China.
Robertson complimented Brown’s “diplomatic skills” in a meeting with Chinese dictator Li Peng. Robertson wrote that Secretary Brown “deftly navigated the human-rights issues by obtaining an agreement on further talks and then moved directly into the economic issues at hand: helping Chrysler, Sprint and others with their ‘joint ventures.'”
The Robertson letter closes with a smoking-gun postscript: “[Treasury
Secretary] Bob Rubin came to our home on Thursday for a Dianne Feinstein
dinner, which raised over $100,000 for her campaign. Bob, of course, turned out the financial community and Silicon Valley.”
The honorable Senator Feinstein was never asked by her colleagues on the Senate Governmental Affairs Committee investigating the China connection about Robertson, her husband or the returned $12,000. There has never been any investigation of COSCO or Poly Tech. Bill Clinton has never answered detailed questions on Ron Brown, Wang Jun, Charlie Trie and John Huang.
Perhaps the real truth lies in the fact that many of the U.S. companies linked to the China-Gate scandal also gave to both political parties. Hughes and Motorola, for example, are both major RNC donors. Robertson and his company gave to Republican Sen. Alfonse D’Amato of New York and contributed $100,000 to the Republican National State Elections Committee.
Despite the propaganda, Bill Clinton clearly considers money from the Chinese Army as far more important than machine guns in the hands of criminals. Bill Clinton placed political ambition above human rights, criminal justice and U.S. national security. The unbreakable bond between the PLA gun makers and Bill Clinton was built on the strongest of political foundations, a large checkbook and no questions asked.