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Despite the White House spin, the truth about the “bilateral military
relationship” between Clinton and China is that Ron Brown was an arms
dealer and his customers were Chinese generals. The known Chinese
generals who dealt with Brown include the three commanding officers of
the Chinese Commission of Science, Technology, and Industry for National
Defense (COSTIND): Gen. Ding Henggao, Gen. Shen Rougjun and Gen. Huai
Guomo.

One document provided to Ron Brown by Loral CEO Bernard Schwartz just
prior to meeting Gen. Shen states, “Weapon delivery, target acquisition
and night vision.” The Loral document is a picture filled catalog of
“Mao Anniversary gift” items for the modern Chinese army.

The Loral catalog of weapons for sale included the Army MLRS missile,
the AIM-9 Sidewinder and the Chaparral air defense missile. In addition,
the Loral catalog offered the very latest in electronics from the U.S.
F-16 Falcon, F-15 Eagle and the F-18 Hornet. The Loral document includes
the “FLIR/Laser designator”, the “F-18 FLIR”, the ALQ-178 “RF Jamming”
system and the “ALR 56C” radar warning system.

These Chinese army/Brown meetings were approved by Bill Clinton. It
was Bill Clinton who decided to arm China with U.S.-made weapons. Since
1993, all the advanced sales and all the waivers
for each export were approved by Bill Clinton. According to a 1995
letter from Motorola chairman, Gary Tooker, it was Bill Clinton who
signed the “Presidential waiver for encryption export sales to China.”

In 1996, Clinton transferred export oversight to the inept and
ill-equipped Commerce Department. President Clinton signed the executive
order that ended 40 years of legislation designed to prevent war. The
transfer also forced the paper trail for military exports to China to
now end at the Commerce Department instead of at the Oval Office.

In 1997, after the transfer of authority by Clinton, Commerce
officials in
Beijing clearly stated they did not track companies controlled by the
People’s Liberation Army. Thus, the only U.S. government agency with the

legal authority to stop exports had no idea what to do but say “yes.”

According to documents recently forced from the Clinton
administration, the official “stun-gun” of the Chinese army was made in
America. The Red Chinese gestapo bought secure radios made by Motorola,
and Chinese army nuclear weapons design labs preferred Sun
supercomputers over the next leading brand.

“One of the largest PLA affiliated firms is NORINCO,” states a 1997
e-mail from Commerce official Robert Bannerman in Beijing. “Nothing in
these databases indicated its affiliation. We do not maintain a formal
FCS all-encompassing computer database of Chinese companies. … I
suggest you modify your testimony accordingly.”

“We also are gathering information that you may find useful regarding
a company that manufactures stun-guns which requested our assistance in
exporting to China,” wrote Bannerman. “We discovered this company was
not only selling to the PLA, but that the products were prohibited by US
export control laws.”

In 1997, Commerce “export” control officials wrote they had no real
database
of PLA companies. This was not true. In fact, Commerce had a large
database
on Chinese army companies, direct from Gen. Ding at COSTIND. In 1995,
Ding gave the Commerce Department a long list of Chinese army-owned
firms. In return, Commerce supplied the PLA contacts to U.S. firms
wanting to do business with the Chinese army such as Loral, Hughes, and
Motorola.

Moreover, Clinton Commerce officials sought out U.S. military firms
wishing to do business with the Chinese army. In 1995, Commerce
officials circulated a form for “U.S. companies interested in investing
in Chinese high technology and other defense enterprise converting to
civilian production.”

According to the Commerce Department cover letter, “The government of
the People’s Republic of China has requested information about U.S.
companies that are interest in investment opportunities in Chinese high
technology and other converting defense enterprises. Companies that want
to be included on this list should complete the attached form and return
it. … BXA plans to forward this data to the Chinese Commission of
Science, Technology, and Industry for National Defense.”

As a result, U.S. tax dollars put together a June 1995 catalog for
Ding and the Chinese army titled, “U.S. Industry Directory — A
Directory of U.S. Businesses Interested in Defense Conversion
Opportunities in the People’s Republic of China.”

The 73 page report of U.S. defense companies represents the Clinton
“bilateral military” relationship with communist China. The catalog of
58 U.S. military manufacturers includes direct contacts at Boeing,
Northrop, Rockwell International, Westinghouse, Raytheon, Pratt &
Whitney, TRW, Lear Astronics, IBM, and Segate. Even CIGNA offered to
provide “insurance” for the Chinese army.

In 1995, Bill Clinton placed a wide variety of military products up
for sale from Humvees to the latest in aerospace technology. AMC Corp.
offered the Chinese Army the “Hummer” and their
“state-of-the-art in 4X4 technology.” Boeing Helicopters emphasized for
the PLA they were already working on the “234 Commercial Tandem Rotor
Chinook helicopter in China.”

Concord Corp. wanted to sell “non-volatile memory devices” and
“scramblers/descrambling devices.” Gerris U.S. pursued PLA sales in
“High speed, 30 meter catamaran for military and
coastal work.” And for those pesky legal matters that might bother the
Chinese army, the firm of Kaye, Scholer, Fierman, Hays and Handler were
there to offer their services.

Motorola, already a major supplier of electronics to the Chinese
police, offered “Secure telephones” and “C3I” (Communications, Command,
Control and Intelligence). The listing from “Motorola
Military & Aerospace Electronics” includes contact name, number and fax
number for “C3I secure information systems.”

Despite the Republican spin, Bill Clinton was not the first president
in recent history to go “military” with the communist Chinese army.
President Bush showed great favor to China until
that little incident over shooting unarmed students came up in 1989.
Bush transfers included advanced fighter jet electronics and modern
torpedoes for the People’s Liberation Navy (PLN).

Not only did the Bush China policy survive the change in presidents,
it became the target of candidate Bill Clinton in the 1992 presidential
race. After the 1992 election Bush’s China policy became Bill Clinton’s
China policy.

Many of the former Bush advisors were deeply involved in the making
of Clinton’s China policy. Dr. Richard Barth, National Security Council
(NSC) advisor to George Bush Sr. became Dr. Richard Barth, NSC advisor
to Bill Clinton. Barth never left his desk after the 1992 election, he
continued at the same spot for Mr. Clinton in the White House. Barth
shared work with Oliver North under Bush, and Tony Lake under Clinton.

Barth would later join Motorola as a lobbyist in August 1993, and be
hired right back into the Clinton White House as a consultant on
advanced export controls for China. Of course, Barth was making the same
Clinton policy he was lobbying for as a six-figure Motorola employee
(e.g. advanced technology export controls for China).

Barth’s success for Motorola, and the Chinese army, is reflected in
the 1995 thank you letter for Ron Brown from CEO Gary Tooker that
mentions the “presidential waiver for encryption export sales to China.”

Even the current GOP frontrunner, George Bush Jr., suffers from his
father’s China policy. In 1999, George W. Bush selected Stanford Provost
Condoleezza Rice as his foreign policy advisor. Ms. Rice, a former Bush
Sr. foreign policy advisor was also deeply involved in the Clinton
Chinagate scandal.

Ms. Rice worked for George Bush Sr. in the White House, handling
Russian issues. She also is a distinguished fellow at the Hoover
Institution at Stanford University. Ms. Rice is listed as being a member
of the Bush Jr. presidential exploratory committee meeting taped by
C-Span in March 1999.

In 1996, Ms. Rice, as Provost at Stanford University, investigated
Dr. John Lewis, of the same university, and the Hua Mei project, probing
with the diligence and zeal of Ken Starr after a stained dress.

“We’ll follow what is a normal process under these circumstances.
It’s not all that unusual that issues arise concerning conflict of
interest,” said Ms. Rice at the time.

In 1994, Lewis was in business with PLA Gen. Nie Li — the wife of
Gen. Ding. Lewis was on the U.S. Defense Department payroll as William
Perry’s personal “consultant” while also working for a Chinese general.
These two high paid jobs enabled Dr. Lewis, and a Chinese defector at
Stanford named Hua Di, to export an advanced, AT&T, fiber-optic
communication system directly to Madam Gen. Nie and the Chinese army.

Hua Di, a member of the Stanford University defense studies center,
described himself as a “matchmaker” in the Hua Mei project. Chinese
defector Hua Di has since defected back to China. It was reported that
Hua Di was arrested in 1998 upon his return. I doubt that Hua Di is in
prison. Hua Di will quietly be given a medal for serving the Chinese
Army through his espionage at Stanford.

Of course, nothing ever became of the Stanford investigation. Today,
Stanford officials, including Ms. Rice, continue to maintain the fiction
that Hua Di was not a spy and nothing happened. Dr. Lewis, Dr. Perry
and, so far, Ms. Rice, have all refused interview requests.

In 1999, as Bush Jr. Russian policy advisor Ms. Rice said, “The state
has become so weak that organized crime is effectively doing the
function of the state now. It’s the policing function of the state, it’s
the protection function of the state, and I’m often asked, who would you
like to win the [Russian] election in June 2000? My answer to that is: I
would just like to see the Russians find someone who is not corrupt, who
is not on the take personally.”

Ms. Rice has the right words but she aimed them at the wrong country.
America also needs to find someone who is not corrupt, who is not on the
take personally.


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