Editor’s note: As reported in the New York Times recently, Saddam Hussein is rebuilding factories that produce weapons of mass destruction inside Iraq. But what about the weapons Saddam has shipped out of Iraq and safely into other countries? And what are the details of Iraq’s assistance in the Islamic genocidal killing fields of south Sudan? WorldNetDaily international correspondent Anthony C. LoBaido, who made two trips inside Iraq last fall — in addition to visiting Jordan, Kurdistan and Denmark in pursuit of this story — presents a revealing look at this dangerous scenario.
COPENHAGEN, Denmark — Iraqi President Saddam Hussein has smuggled weapons of mass destruction into Algeria, Sudan and Libya — and has played an ongoing role in the war in Sudan between the Islamic government of Khartoum and the black, mostly Christian and animist South Sudanese People’s Liberation Army, WorldNetDaily has learned.
The chilling story comes via the Iraqi-Kurdish doctor, Hassan Abdul Salaam (a Muslim name meaning “Soldier of Peace”), who earlier shared with WorldNetDaily from his home in a repatriation camp here his revelations about Hussein’s biological weapons program.
Salaam was conscripted into the Iraqi army where he served as a doctor. He was able to treat many Kurds and Iraqi soldiers injured in the fighting. Additionally, Hassan explained to WorldNetDaily how he learned from Iraqi military experts about how to survive a biological and chemical attack. Moreover, Salaam described in intimate detail the Iraqi biological and chemical weapons programs and their connections to Russian and Chinese military advisers — experts on biological and biochemical war.
Chillingly, Hassan also documented that Saddam’s top weapons henchman — a certain Dr. Hassan Izbah — is entertaining members of Japan’s Aum Shin Rikyo cult, which was found guilty of conducting the infamous nerve-gas attack in Tokyo a few years ago. Izbah is the point man Saddam uses to work with various cults and terror groups around the world.
Now, a few months after arriving safely in Denmark and having been debriefed by Interpol and the Danish Intelligence Service, Salaam has told WorldNetDaily about Saddam’s weapons shenanigans — thanks to the courageous help of the Danish Red Cross.
“The U.N. Security Council does not want to know the truth about Iraq’s weapons. Consider that Russia and China are Iraq’s allies — and that France maintains close relations with Iraq. They all sit on the Security Council opposed to the U.S. and British bombings and sanctions against Saddam,” said Salaam.
“When I was conscripted into the Iraqi army’s biological weapons unit, I learned a lot about their military technology in this regard,” Salaam said. “Artillery shells loaded with toxins and poisons: botulism, anthrax — you name it, he’s got it. I estimate over 8,000 liters of anthrax, 200 tons of VX nerve gas and an unknown quantity of agent 15. What Saddam and Dr. Izbah don’t have on hand, they get from the North Koreans or the Russians … or others.”
Agent 15, according to MI-6, the British intelligence agency, is a non-lethal nerve gas that causes hallucinations, disabling enemy troops for several hours.
“Iraq is a major connecting point for global criminals and outcast regimes,” Salaam continued. “Eastern European communists, the murderous Algerians — and Libya — had military officers visit our unit. Sudan as well. Most people know about the genocide in Sudan committed by the Islamic government against the black Christians. Those poor south-Sudanese — they are worse off than even us Kurds.”
“We worked diligently in labs that were set up by the Russians — mobile units like domes the Eskimos live in, but bigger. The security around the workstations was incredible. The firepower and caliber of the soldiers was like a Special Forces operation. Muzahm Tassab al-Hassan and Abd-al-Rizzaq Shihab from Saddam’s military industrial complex were also on hand. They are missile experts — not doctors — though real tough soldiers.
We worked with many toxins, preparing them for shipment out of Iraq. We had to work at odd hours, too, because the Iraqis were aware of the times the American satellites would be passing by overhead. I know these biological weapons were headed for Sudan, Libya, Algeria and possibly to some underground movements in Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Afghanistan. And, of course, the PLO can’t wait to get their hands on them. But Saddam wants to use them on Israel himself so, as long as Saddam is alive, the PLO won’t get any biological weapons from Iraq.”
Asked how he could go along with participating in preparing these weapons for export, Salaam added, “It was very difficult for me — until they put a gun to my head when I protested. I wanted to live to see my wife and children again.” The doctor’s family was being held in an Iran-based refugee camp under the watchful eye of Iraqi agents. He eventually managed to escape the Iraqi army and find safety in Iran, then Turkey, and finally asylum in Denmark.
“I know I can’t undo what I’ve done, except to tell the intelligence agencies and the media what Saddam is up to,” Salaam explained. “Even if the Iraqi assassins hunt me down and kill me off like Hussein Kamal [another Iraqi defector who exposed Saddam's weapon's programs to the CIA and Mossad station chiefs in Amman, Jordan], I will have fulfilled my duty before both Allah and mankind.”
Saddam’s war on Sudanese Christians
Piecing together Saddam’s exports is tricky business. As WorldNetDaily has reported, Saddam’s own company — Asia — is a billion-dollar enterprise. Asia exports oil, water, toys, food and baby needs to Turkey, Jordan and other states in the region. Even the Kurds get a piece of this action. America, the UK, Jordan and Turkey allow Asia to operate unencumbered, feeling that such trade is beneficial to the Kurds.
More problematic, however, is the fact that Saddam and his regime have constructed weapons plants in Sudan and smuggled weapons of mass destruction into Algeria. Moreover, Iraq built a biological-warfare laboratory complex in Libya 240 miles southwest of Tripoli. Another biological warfare complex built to produce botulism and anthrax was set up under the innocuous name of “General Health Laboratories.”
The U.S. Defense Department has publicly stated that it has “no non-nuclear [method] to take out Libya’s underground biological weapons facility at Tarhunnah.” A conventional attack, says the Pentagon, will only stop production at the facility for one month or so.
The Tarhunnah plant was built as a sideshow to Gadhafi’s “Great Manmade River Project,” built with the help of a giant South Korean construction firm. Former CIA director John Deutch has called this plant “the largest underground chemical weapons plant in the world.”
During the second term of the Reagan administration, the U.S. bombed Libyan cities Tripoli and Behghazi. Gadhafi has denied the existence of the Tarhunnah plant. Few, if any, in the West believe him.
Meanwhile, the Bush administration is holding secret talks with Libya’s ambassador to the United Nations. The talks center on the impending verdict in the Pan Am flight 103 bombing trial. Some 259 people were killed in the Dec. 21, 1988, bombing over Lockerbie, Scotland. The men on trial are two highly trained Libyan intelligence agents, Abdel Basset al-Megrahi and Al-Amin Khalifa Fahima.
The conclusion of the trial reportedly will pave the way for Libya to restore “normal” ties with the U.S. and the European Union.
U.N. Ambassador James Cunningham, British U.N. Ambassador Jeremy Greenstock and Libyan U.N. representative Abuzed Omar Dorda are meeting to work out the details of the agreement.
In light of the Khartoum government’s use of biological and biochemical weapons against the black south-Sudanese Christians, one may wonder: What are the conditions inside Sudan? South African missionary Peter Hammond of Frontline Fellowship is just one of many Westerners who have documented this horrendous holocaust.
According to a House Task Force on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare, in the early 1990s, the “Iraqis moved into the area of the Red Sea mountain range — in Madabay in Khawr Ashraf, Port Sudan, in the region of Dalawat on the Red Sea near Hala’ib and the city of Tawker in the region of Karnakanat. The Iraqis brought into these installations high-tech equipment and computers, missiles, defense systems, anti-aircraft systems and radar systems.
By late 1993, the regions surrounding these installations were experiencing strict security measures and 24-hour armed patrols roam around it. In some areas, such as in the Port Sudan area, shepherds and nomads were completely removed from security zones within a 60-kilometer circumference.
Meanwhile, teams of Iraqi intelligence, military and commando officers arrived in Khartoum in the summer of 1995 to assist the Sudanese armed forces against what the Iraqis now called ‘foreign intervention in Sudan.’”
The House report is filled with troubling information.
The Iraqi units were deployed to guard Saddam’s weapons of mass destruction — or WMD inside Sudan — to train the Sudanese in intelligence gathering and to restructure the Islamic Sudanese Army in the same manner as the Iraqi Republican Guard.
Iraqi troops fought in south Sudan near Pibor against the black Christian SPLA army in the fall of 1995. About 120 Iraqi crews arrived in Pibor with tanks and uniforms marked with the insignia of the Iraqi Republican Guard. Iraqi artillery forces shelled SPLA camps in Torit with napalm bombs and wounded or killed over 250 people.
The Iraqi air force dropped chemical bombs on Kadugli and the Namang mountains in southern Sudan. Eyewitnesses reported that “deaths and injuries occurred among residents” and that “there was a big change in the color of the corpses and of animals and trees.” Chemical warfare of this type has been well-documented in Afghanistan and Southeast Asia.
Other biological and/or chemical attacks were carried out at Nimule and at Kuya — near Juba, Sudan’s southern capital. The Tulushi-Tulus mountains area was also similarly attacked.
Near Soba, outside Khartoum, the Iraqis and the Sudanese also carried out tests of chemical agents in the desert. In May 1997, residents got sick when winds shifted suddenly and carried residues into populated areas.
By the summer of 1997, Khartoum completed the building of a new and far more sophisticated chemical weapons production factory in the region of Kafuri, north of Khartoum on the banks of the Blue Nile. The Kafuri facility includes laboratories, testing and prototype production sites for both chemical weapons — including nerve agents — and biological weapons, as well as storage sites for bulk chemicals and weapons loaded with both chemical and biological payloads.
Among the chemical weapons tested in Kafuri are 122mm and 152mm artillery shells, as well as rocket and tactical missile warheads. In building this factory, the Sudanese relied on technical assistance from Iraq and Iran. Additional expertise came from Egypt, Croatia, Bulgaria and Russia — all recruited by Iraqi intelligence on behalf of the Sudanese. The key experts who helped with this program have been residing in a luxurious dormitory inside the compound.
The Yarmook Industrial Complex is another area of concern for the West. This military-controlled strategic installation covers an area of 10 by 20 kilometers in southern Khartoum. There are over 300 small buildings and sheds in seven clusters in the compound. The complex includes a production line for chemical agents, as well as production facilities for military equipment and weapons connected with the use of chemical weapons. These include warheads, bombs and canisters, as well as protective gear and special modifications to combat vehicles carrying these weapons.
In addition, the compound includes a special medical clinic, sports facilities, a mosque and a high-security living site where Muslim foreign experts from Iraq, Iran and Bulgaria live in two dormitories. There are also guesthouses for senior project advisers from Iraq and Iran. Moreover, there is a small farm ensuring the supply of fresh milk, vegetables and dates for the WMD workers. The famine and scorched-earth policies pursued by Khartoum in south Sudan do not affect the eating habits of these doomsday scientists.
Well-protected underground storage sites are found at several other locations as well.
The Sudanese military has recently begun training pilots and artillery officers in maintaining and using chemical weapons in a special school set up in the Wadi Seidna military compound. Osama bin Laden is building his own chemical weapons facility near the Islamic Center in Khartoum.
Playing hide and seek
Just as the American and British bombing of Iraq has continued since 1991 out of the media spotlight, so too has Saddam’s transfer of WMD out of Iraq occurred below the radar of United Nations weapons inspectors.
In fact, it was not until 1994 that Germany’s intelligence service became the first international spy agency to take inventory and document Saddam’s WMD programs. The Iraqi dictator had even purchased needed items from Austria, Switzerland and Germany to upgrade those programs.
What else does Saddam have hidden inside Sudan? Consider the following:
A WMD facility was built during 1995 in an area near Wau in the Bahr-el-Ghazal province in southwestern Sudan, some 300 kilometers from the Uganda border.
Fissionable material, documents and weapons’ subsystems were shipped via Jordan, utilizing Sudanese diplomatic mail privileges.
About 27.5 pounds of U-235, which had been originally supplied to Iraq by France for use in the French-built Osiraq research reactor, has been passed on to Ain Oussera, a town in Algeria.
Where will this game end?
Salaam believes he has the answer: “America and the West must acknowledge that the continued bombing of Iraq is not the answer to curtailing Saddam’s WMD program. As you say in English, `the cat’s already out of the bag.’”