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The famous weekend meeting by Democrat Senate Leader Tom Daschle and Republican Sen. John McCain at the latter’s home in Arizona has raised a great deal of speculation over what these two gentlemen discussed in their two-day t?te-?-t?te. McCain insists that he has no intention of leaving the Republican Party, and we can believe that he means what he says for the time being. But a lot can happen between now and the next presidential race, and politicians are known for their basic untrustworthiness.

My hunch is that one of the things they discussed was how to undercut the Bush agenda and sabotage the conservatives. McCain has no love for the conservatives, particularly of the Christian variety, who trounced him in South Carolina. It was then that McCain made his intemperate remarks about Pat Robertson and Jerry Falwell. In other words he wrote off the entire conservative Christian right, who make up a very solid and important constituency of the Republican Party.

Thus, it ought not to surprise us that McCain has embraced the entire legislative agenda of the liberals, going so far as to vote against Bush’s tax reduction. And now that he is an acknowledged liberal, he will get the best press coverage that the liberal media can give him. He and Daschle are determined to sabotage the Bush administration in order to make it easier for McCain to run for president, possibly as an independent. When it comes to liberal politics, this is the oldest game in the book. The easiest way to thwart conservatives is to divide them. A McCain candidacy can only win if conservatives are divided and the Republican Party is demoralized.

Thus, this is not the time for McCain to announce anything about the future. He and Daschle have to create the conditions to make a successful run for the presidency possible. If McCain runs, who will oppose him in the Democrat party? Daschle?

Dividing Republicans is a favorite tactic of the liberals. Progressive Teddy Roosevelt divided the party in 1912 under the Bull Moose banner. Roosevelt was underwritten by the same big money cabal that wanted a central bank. They knew they wouldn’t get it under Taft, the incumbent president, who managed to alienate the progressives. Roosevelt’s candidacy permitted Woodrow Wilson to win, thus making it possible to set us on the road to socialism. Under Wilson we got the income tax, the Federal Reserve System, and entry into World War I, the war to end wars.

When Wilson died in 1921, Republican Warren Harding was elected on the promise to return the American people to “normalcy.” But he died suddenly in August 1923, in San Francisco. His death has always remained a mystery. Harding was succeeded by his vice president, Calvin Coolidge, a constitutional conservative who said that the business of America is business. He believed in market economics and made possible the great postwar boom that lasted until the Stock Market crash of October 1929. His term of office ended on March 3, 1929, while the country was still enjoying its unprecedented prosperity.

Coolidge had refused to run for a second full term. That made it possible for Republican Herbert Hoover to run for the Oval Office, and he won the party’s nomination in 1928. He had been secretary of commerce under Harding and Coolidge, and he ran on a conservative platform, promoting a program for “The New Day” to realize the nation’s enormous economic potential. Hoover became President on March 4, 1929, while the nation was still enjoying its great prosperity.

Meanwhile, the internationalist liberals were scheming for a way to get back into the White House. The nation was largely conservative in its thinking. It was enjoying the greatest capitalist boom ever, with the automobile industry growing leaps and bounds. Magazines were thick with advertising of all the good things now available: electric refrigerators, cars, elegant clothes, radios, phonographs, ocean cruises. Americans didn’t like what was happening in Communist Russia and they weren’t interested in a socialized America.

The insiders decided that the only way to get Americans to reject Republican conservatism would be a stock market crash and a serious economic downturn. But how to make that happen? The stock market was reaching new highs on a speculative binge based on borrowed money. It had created a speculative bubble that could easily be burst. All the Federal Reserve had to do is knock the props out of the market by increasing the cost of credit. Of course they had to warn their friends beforehand, so that they could get out of the market before the plug was pulled. And this they did. As G. Edward Griffin points out in his 1994 book, “The Creature from Jekyll Island,” on Feb. 6, 1929, the Federal Reserve issued an advisory to its member banks to liquidate its holdings in the stock market. They were preparing their members for the shakeout.

On Aug. 6, the Federal Reserve reversed its easy-credit policy, which had sucked in a lot of innocent outsiders into the market, and raised the discount rate to 6 percent. The securities market reached its peak on Sept. 19, and then began a slow trend downward. Then on Thursday, Oct. 24, thousands of investors stampeded to sell. Apparently enough investors had become aware of the planned shakeout which caused the sudden surge in selling. However, it wasn’t until Tuesday, Oct. 29, that the final collapse took place. Millions of investors were wiped out.

And while all of these investors were selling their stocks at fire-sale prices, who was buying them up? The very moneyed interests who had engineered the shakeout. They got control of many of America’s great corporations because they had the cash to buy the stocks at depressed prices.

But why did the crash usher in a Depression that was to last until World War II? First, the internationalists had to wait till the end of Hoover’s term to get their man into the White House. If there were a quick recovery, Hoover would be re-elected. But if the Depression lasted, the country would reject the Republicans and blame Hoover for their economic misery. The Fed tightened the money supply, thus prolonging the economic turndown. Franklin D. Roosevelt was elected president in 1933, and with him came all the Reds and liberals who implemented “The New Deal” road to socialism.

When Roosevelt died in 1945, he was succeeded by vice president, Harry Truman. Truman found himself surrounded by liberals, commies and GLOBALIST insiders who were his advisers, and he went along with everything they advised. When he was up for reelection in 1948, he won in a close race against moderate Republican Thomas E. Dewey. In 1952 Republicans had another chance to win the White House. The Korean War had soured the electorate on the Democrats. Conservatives wanted Gen. MacArthur to run. But the liberal press cut him to shreds. Republicans then backed conservative Robert Taft. But the internationalists wanted a man they could control in the White House. And so they chose Dwight D. Eisenhower, the war hero.

While the Eisenhower presidency was somewhat conservative in its economic policies, its foreign policy, run by John Foster Dulles, was strongly internationalist. His brother, Allen Dulles ran the CIA. It was the Eisenhower administration that put a stop to McCarthy’s investigation of communist subversion in government. It should also be remembered that it was under Eisenhower’s watch that Cuba became communist even though it was known by many that Fidel Castro was a communist. Yet he was hailed by the New York Times as Cuba’s new George Washington.

In 1960, Vice President Richard Nixon was the Republican candidate for the White House. He was opposed by handsome John F. Kennedy, who had once been a conservative Democrat, but had drifted liberal because it was the only way the insiders would accept him. He won in a very close race that Nixon could have contested but decided not to. The one thing the left hated about Nixon more than anything else was the fact that he had managed to get Soviet agent Alger Hiss indicted and imprisoned for perjury. All of Kennedy’s cabinet and advisers consisted mainly of liberal insiders, and therefore it should surprise no one that Kennedy was persuaded to call off the air support for the Bay of Pigs invasion, thus assuring the defeat of the anticommunist Cuban volunteers.

After Kennedy’s assassination, vice president Lyndon B. Johnson became president. He was a bona fide liberal who found it very convenient to surround himself with the same liberal and globalist advisers. They then got us into the morass of the Vietnam War, which they had no intention of winning. In 1964, when Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater, a conservative, won the Republican nomination over Nelson Rockefeller, the internationalist cabal and the liberal media pulled out all the stops in order to defeat him. Rockefeller had been booed at the convention by conservatives and he would never forget that humiliation.

LBJ won in a landslide. Once more Republican conservatives were thwarted by liberal tactics and media power. LBJ proceeded to drag us more deeply in a war which the administration had no strategy for winning. He also was responsible for the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, which opened the U.S. Treasury to the rapacious National Education Association. Billions of dollars were now transferred to the education establishment so that they could implement their dumbing down of American children.

The horrors of the Vietnam War were enough to make Democrats unpopular. So Richard Nixon was able to win the White House over Hubert Humphrey. But Nixon was an internationalist, so he was tolerated by the globalist insiders. They heartily approved of his opening to Communist China. Also, Nixon began our slow disengagement from Vietnam. Thus, he won a huge plurality in his bid for a second term against leftist McGovern. But the Watergate scandal was Nixon’s undoing. The liberal press had a feeding frenzy over Nixon’s debacle. He resigned in disgrace.

He was replaced by his vice president Gerald Ford, who presided over the humiliating surrender to the commies in Saigon, which immediately led to one million Vietnamese climbing into anything that would float to get away from the communist paradise. The nation, deeply traumatized by the whole Vietnam affair, went into a long convalescence. Ronald Reagan attempted to challenge Ford in the next election, but the globalist insiders chose an obscure governor from Georgia, Jimmy Who? Ford lost because of his ineptness on television. Carter brought the lefties and internationalists back into the executive branch. He was their tool to be used like a puppet. He gave the NEA its long wanted Department of Education.

But Carter’s administration was such a disaster that the country was finally ready for a conservative. Ronald Reagan opposed him and won.

Reagan was conservative and anti-communist in spirit and words. He cut taxes, built up our defenses, dubbed the Soviet Union the “Evil Empire,” which resonated around the globe, and called for Gorbachev to tear down the Berlin Wall. It was a time when freedom was on the offensive, in Grenada, in helping the Contras fight the Sandinistas, and elsewhere. It was an exhilarating time for conservatives. But the Iran-Contra scandal once more gave the liberal media its chance to lambaste Republicans. Despite this, George Bush won the White House handily over Democrat Dukakis, a far-left liberal governor of Massachusetts. Bush’s “read my lips, no new taxes” gained him the overwhelming vote of conservatives.

We then had the Gulf War, the successful outcome of which boosted Bush’s ratings to unprecedented heights. But when he reneged on his pledge of no new taxes, conservatives felt betrayed and used. Bush had never been a movement conservative and so he never shared their strong feeling about taxes. He had begun his career by opposing a member of the John Birch Society, thus acquiring a kind of visceral antipathy toward anyone resembling a Bircher. He chose moderates like Richard Darman, a master dialectician from Harvard, to advise him, and Darman advised him to compromise with the Democrats and raise taxes.

Conservatives were furious. Many vowed not to vote for him in his bid for a second term. Liberals again saw their chance to gain the White House. Bush had divided Republicans, and a three-way ticket could make sure that he lost. And so Ross Perot came on the scene to take full advantage of the disaffected conservatives. And that’s how the degenerate Bill Clinton won the election.

Bill Clinton won a second term because Bob Dole could not energize the conservatives or bring conservative Democrats over to his side. He lacked political sex appeal.

By the year 2000, most American voters could tell a liberal from a conservative. Gore was a liberal in spades, and George W. Bush, while not a movement conservative, was about as conservative as the country would accept. But no sooner was he in office than liberal Republican Sen. Jeffords from Vermont, seeing an opportunity to inflict maximum damage on conservatives, quit the GOP, thus turning the Senate over to the Democrats. It was obvious that Jeffords had used the Fabian tactic of waiting until the right moment, at which time you strike hard to have the maximum effect.

And so, with McCain opposing the Bush agenda, we can expect that some plans are in the works to thwart a second Bush term. How that plays out will really depend on how Bush conducts himself in the next three years.

He must solidify his conservative base. He cut taxes. That’s a plus. What else is he going to do?

We’ll have to wait and see.

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