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How Monica buried Ron Brown and saved the Clinton presidency

Posted By Jack Cashill On 05/11/2004 @ 1:00 am In Commentary | Comments Disabled

Editor’s note: This column is the 10th segment of a new 11-part exclusive WorldNetDaily series excerpted from Jack Cashill’s shocking new book, “Ron Brown’s Body.” “At the end of day,” says Cashill who began the project a skeptic, “it is not irresponsible to talk about murder.” Today, Cashill shows that during the Clinton years, the media ignored whistleblowers or scorned them, none more so than the four honorable military personnel whose careers were ruined in the Ron Brown scandal.

On Dec. 3, 1997, the Pittsburgh Tribune-Review broke the story of the suspicious hole in Ron Brown’s head. The next day, the AFIP (Armed Forces Institute of Pathology) came out firing. ”This is a closed case,” insisted the public-affairs officer. Officials had conducted a ”full discussion” of Brown’s injuries, including the head wound, and had dismissed any possibility of foul play.

On Dec. 6, Howard Kurtz of the Washington Post did his best to help the AFIP undermine the AFIP’s Lt. Col. Steve Cogswell and his claims of an apparent bullet hole. Kurtz gleefully cited the article’s presumably tainted source and its movement up the now famous “media food chain.”

“Cogswell never actually examined the body,” Kurtz revealed as though this were news. He then added with preposterous certainty: “There definitely was no bullet because there was no exit wound.” Although forensic photographer Chief Petty Officer Kathleen Janoski had not yet said so publicly, she knew that head pathologist Col. William Gormley had never even looked for an exit wound.

If Kurtz or the AFIP thought the outbreak had been contained, they were in for a surprise. In a refreshingly noble gesture, Lt. Col. David Hause ignored the heat and went public on Dec. 9 in support of Cogswell.

Unlike Cogswell, Hause had been present for the examination. The authorities and their media friends could no longer write off Cogswell as some lone eccentric. Hause added one other bit of useful evidence. When the Tribune-Review had interviewed Gormley, he insisted that whatever caused the hole could not have been a bullet because it did not perforate the skull. No brain was allegedly visible. Hause begged to differ. “What was immediately below the surface of the hole was just brain,” he asserted.

The AFIP fired back that same day with a press release rich in the kind of detail that would make a good defense lawyer cringe. “Due to the initial appearance of Brown’s injuries,” Gormley was quoted as saying, “we carefully considered the possibility of a gunshot wound. However, scientific data, including X-rays, ruled out that possibility,” Gormley argued that the alleged “bullet fragments” were “actually caused by a defect in the reusable X-ray film cassette.” For Gormley, there was not “the slightest suspicion” regarding the nature of Brown’s death.

What the release did not say, but what the AFIP finally had to admit, was those multiple new X-rays were all now missing, as were the original ones. “Wecht’s law,” famed coroner Cyril Wecht called the phenomenon. The more controversial a case, the more likely evidence is to turn up missing.

A prominent local Democrat, the Pittsburgh coroner could not be easily dismissed as a trafficker in Republican conspiracy commerce. He noted the “perfectly circular” nature of the wound, its “inwardly beveling path,” the “tiny pieces of dull silver-colored” material around the edge of the wound, the “lead snowstorm” shown in the photo of the X-ray, and concluded that an autopsy was absolutely essential.

Wecht was not the only problem for the White House. Although the mainstream media were still largely avoiding the subject, the story, like some rogue salmon, made an unusual jump from the conservative media stream to the black-oriented one. To head off the unrest, Col. Gormley appeared on “BET Tonight.” As Gormley unwittingly admitted to host Tavis Smiley, he had chosen not to pursue an autopsy based “on discussions at the highest level from in Commerce (sic), at the Joint [Chiefs of Staff], and the [Department of Defense], the White House.”

In other words, Gormley was sufficiently concerned about the wound to consult with his superiors all the way to the White House, but he still did not request an autopsy. According to the relevant law that covers executive assassination, 18 U.S.C. 351, the president should have referred the case to the FBI. At the very least, he should have informed the Brown family. That he did neither suggests he had good reason not to.

Meanwhile, the pressure from the black community was growing more insistent, and there was one black leader neither the media nor the White House could ignore. That was Jesse Jackson, and he came forward on Jan. 5, 1998. A week later, Kathleen Janoski went public in her support of Cogswell and Hause. On Jan. 17, the Washington Afro-American ran a lengthy front-page focusing on Janoski’s claims. At this moment in time, the story had enough substance and enough biracial support to breach the walls of the mainstream media and shake Washington to its foundation, but this was not to be.



Janoski at the White House

In one of the great ironies of modern media, a separate stream of “conspiracy commerce” had been simultaneously gathering force. On the same day and in the same city that Kathleen Janoski was talking to the Pittsburg Tribune-Review, Linda Tripp was talking to Ken Starr. Six days after Janoski went public, so did Matt Drudge. So powerful was this stream, the major media had no choice but to open the floodgates. By Jan. 21, the Monica tale had inundated the land and left every other news story gasping for breath.

Jesse Jackson had a choice to make. He could either pick away at the administration on a story that had just lost its legs, or he could ride the rising tide of resentment in the black community and come to the besieged president’s aid. Nothing if not clever, Jesse Jackson chose to embrace the president once more.

In the face of all that easy access to power and the all those fresh minority capitalism dollars that came with it, Jesse Jackson and the D.C. civil-rights cartel forgot about Ron Brown just about as quickly as they had forgotten about Lani Guinier.


Tomorrow: Part 11 — Was Ron Brown murdered, and, if so, how and by whom?


Order your copy of “Ron Brown’s Body” today.


Editor’s note: The sensational new edition of WND’s monthly Whistleblower magazine,”THE PARTY OF TREASON,” rips the veneer of civility and compassion off the Democratic Party and reveals how the party of Truman and Kennedy has been transformed into “the enemy within.”


Related columns:

Part 1: Did Ron Brown die for Enron’s sins?

Part 2: How ‘minority capitalism’ undid Ron Brown

Part 3: Competing against the Clintons for cash

Part 4: Clinton’s new “bagman”

Part 5: Second ‘black president’ likely to build on legacy of first

Part 6: Some dare call it treason

Part 7: Wang Jun’s excellent White House adventure

Part 8: Sun peeked through ‘worst storm in a decade’

Part 9: The bullet hole that should have shaken Washington


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