NEW YORK – Many political pundits long have believed that the Bush name would impede any attempt by former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush to run for president in 2016.

Already, however, the family name has become an issue as a fourth generation of the Bush dynasty enters electoral politics.

George Prescott Bush, the son of Jeb Bush, bills himself as an up-and-coming Hispanic-American politician. His mother, Columba Bush, is a Mexican-born philanthropist.

The nephew of President George W. Bush and the grandson of President George H. W. Bush, “George P,” as he is known, is also named for Prescott Bush, the patriarch of the Bush political dynasty, who served as U.S. senator from Connecticut from 1952 to 1963.

Recently, a group of relatively unknown bloggers created an Internet sensation with a video-recorded interview in which Bush is confronted with questions about his family at a campaign event in the border town of Laredo, Texas.

The Feb. 16 video interview by Mexican-born activist Hector Cubillos asks about Bush’s political position regarding eminent domain before bringing up the legacy of the Bush family tracing back to the 1930s.

In the video, a political operative managing Bush announces the interview with Cubillos is over. Bush had explained he was supportive of citizens’ rights of eminent domain, including with respect to the controversial Trans-Texas Corridor project.

Cubillos proceeded to ask Bush how he was going to “remedy” his family’s history, alluding to his great-grandfather’s role in companies that profited from the financiers of Adolf Hitler’s rise to power in 1930s Nazi Germany.

Cubillos, who bills himself as an independent journalist, first posted the video of the Bush interview on, an Internet-based independent media source he operates that bills itself as “going beyond the political as we expose fraud, hypocrisy, and above all tyranny.”

The Cubillos interview with George P. Bush was subsequently publicized on Truth Stream Media, a website run by Aaron Dykes and Melissa Melton, two new-era political activists who have railed at globalism and the New World Order. They define their mission as “taking back our lives from the system so that we might truly be free.”

Dykes and Melton also published a 25-minute interview with Cubillos in which Cubillos explained that he “sees George P. Bush as a personal enemy of mine because I am so sick and tired of people taking up the Latino-Hispanic whatever you may want to call it.”

“I don’t know how to express my anger, but I’m originally from Mexico, and I am a native Spanish speaker who understands both Spanish and English, and this person just comes to the bar and says some Spanish words and everybody gets so giddy and starts fluttering about, saying, ‘Oh, wow, he represents me.’”

George P. Bush

In the course of the interview with Dykes and Melton, Cubillos railed against George P. Bush as someone who came from a wealthy political family who could afford to equip him with an expensive campaign tour bus. He said Bush was running an overly elaborate campaign for a relatively insignificant political position in Texas in the hope of using it as a stepping-stone to run for higher office.

Cubillos also criticized Bush as representing the interests of multi-national corporations that sought to benefit from international free-trade agreements like NAFTA by exploiting low-income Hispanic workers illegally induced to come to the United States for the profit of large corporations that, at worst, would get hand-slap fines for violating employment laws.

In the interview, Dykes, Melton, and Cubillos, without mentioning WND by name, referred to various investigative reports published by WND since 2005. They included articles exposing the efforts of George W. Bush to create a North American Union-style partnership with Mexico and Canada, utilizing the Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America declared by Bush at a tri-lateral meeting with Mexico and Canada in Waco, Texas, in 2005.

They also referenced information in articles WND published exposing the Trans-Texas Corridor project as a “NAFTA Superhighway” designed to utilize Mexican ports to import to the U.S. goods produced in China with labor that undercut costs in the U.S. and Mexico.

The Trans-Texas Corridor controversy

With the support of President George W. Bush, Gov. Rick Perry in Texas advanced the plan to build a huge highway, four football fields wide, through the heart of Texas, parallel to Interstate 35, from the Mexican border at Laredo, Texas, to the Texas border with Oklahoma.

The Trans-Texas Corridor, or TTC, moved ahead to begin construction following the re-election of Perry in November 2006.

On March 11, 2005, the Texas Department of Transportation, or TxDOT, signed a “Comprehensive Development Agreement” to build the “TTC-35 High Priority Corridor” parallel to Interstate 35.

The contracting party was a limited partnership formed between Cintra Concesiones de Infraestructuras de Transporte S.A., a publically listed company headquartered in Spain, majority controlled by the Madrid-based Groupo Ferrovial, and a San Antonio-based construction company, Zachry Construction Corporation.

The Cintra deal effectively meant that once the TTC was completed, Americans would have to pay an investment consortium in Spain for the privilege of driving in Texas.

Perry decided in 2009 to scrap the TCC plan after a series of combative town hall meetings throughout the state showed TxDOT faced massive taxpayer resistance. WND reported in 2012 the TTC never went away, as TxDOT allowed Cintra to construct a toll-road redevelopment of I-35 north of downtown Fort Worth as required by a 2007 comprehensive development agreement TxDOT had quietly signed with Cintra.

Today, Cintra continues to operate SH 130 as a toll road despite an October 2013 decision by the rating agency Moody’s Investors Services Inc. to downgrade to junk bond status the credit rating of SH 130 Concession Company, the Cintra-operated company created to collect tolls on SH 130, the high-speed state highway that bypasses Austin, Texas, parallel to I-35.

Moody’s downgraded SH 130 Concession Company because the traffic on the company’s 41-mile route was deemed “slow to moderate, yet inadequate” traffic growth. Moody’s expected SH 130 Concession Company would be unable to meet debt service payments due in June 2014 without a debt restructuring or additional investment.

Moody’s lowered the credit rating of SH 130 Concession Company to junk bond status, from B1 to Caa3.

By October 2013, Moody’s had lost confidence SH 130 was capable of drawing the traffic required for SH 130 Concession Company to operate profitably, despite political pressure from Cintra that raised the speed limit on SH 130 to 85 mph to justify the toll cost of 15 cents per mile for cars and two-axle trucks, compared to the 55 mph speed limit on I-35, an interstate highway that does not charge a toll.

WND has reported that the type of “public-private partnership,” or PPP, contract Cintra entered into with TxDOT to build SH 130 was risky in that pro-forma projections of revenue were based on unrealistic traffic estimates that promised unobtainable economic returns.

In 2007, Cintra agreed to invest $1.3 billion of its own funds to construct SH 130 in return for a 50-year contract in which it owned the right to collect all tolls charged SH 130 traffic. Additionally, in 2007, Cintra paid TxDOT $25 million as an up-front fee, plus an additional $100 million to TxDOT in January 2012, tied to an agreement the Texas Transportation Commission would approve the then-proposed 85 mph speed limit on the road.

TxDOT toll roads

On Feb. 24, 2004, Aaron Dykes separately published on an article titled “Drivers Forced onto Toll Roads in Texas!” that railed against the SH 130 toll road.

“This emerging reality hit home a short while back when traveling to Lockhart, a quaint small town famous for its barbecue just a bit over half an hour from Austin, on Highway 183 – which is now displaced for some 10 or 12 miles by the toll road SH 130 which lies east of Austin down to San Antonio,” Dykes wrote. “It was only once it was too late that I realized I was even on a toll road, figuring out that it was now impossible to travel directly to Lockhart without paying tolls!”

Dykes warned TxDOT was continuing to advance plans allowing Cintra to construct similar PPP highways in Texas, in addition to SH 130.

“The warnings that public roads were being taken over by private (Spain-based) interests that helped derail the Trans-Texas Corridor super-project have now come to pass!” he continued.

“And other sections are being phased in as well in the quickly changing landscape in the Austin area – Highway 290 that goes eastbound to Elgin is partially a toll road as well (despite allegations that it violates civil rights), and I-35 north of Ft. Worth is being developed into a toll road, with plans to eventually force all I-35 traffic (one of the most important and heavily traveled roads in the USA) to pay tolls!”

An examination of TxDOT website validates the claim made by Dykes that TxDOT continues to build a TTC network of toll roads piece-by-piece, with new toll roads planned in Dallas, Austin, Tyler, Houston, Laredo and Brownsville.

“Texas Tollways is the Texas Department of Transportation’s system of toll roads across the state that is giving Texans more choices to get where they want to go,” the TxDOT website reads.

“The high tech roads that make up Texas Tollways are helping to address traffic congestion, enhance safety and prepare for the future. is your link to maps, news and information about toll roads and transportation planning across Texas.”

Hitler’s rise to power

Though rarely publicly acknowledged by the Bush family, Prescott Bush worked in the 1930s for Brown Brothers Harriman & Co., a Wall Street investment firm that allegedly worked closely with Allen Dulles and his brother John Foster Dulles, along with their New York law firm, Cromwell & Sullivan, in financing German companies that supported the rise of Hitler to power in Nazi Germany.

In the early 1940s, Prescott Bush was one of seven directors of the Union Banking Corporation, a New York-based investment bank that reportedly operated as a financial clearinghouse for Fritz Thyssen, who was commonly known as “Hitler’s banker.”

In October 1942, President Franklin D. Roosevelt closed Union Banking Corporation under provisions of the Trading with the Enemy Act.

The involvement of the Dulles brothers in financing Hitler’s Germany was openly discussed in Stephen Kinzer’s recent bestselling book “The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War.”

Kinzer notes that Allen Dulles introduced John Foster Dulles to Hjalmar Schacht, who in 1933 was appointed Hitler’s minister of economics.

“Working with Schacht, Foster helped the National Socialist state find rich sources of financing in the United States for its public agencies, banks, and industries,” Kinzer wrote on page 51.

In 1951, when the U.S. government liquidated Union Banking Corporation under the authority of the Trading with the Enemy Act, Prescott Bush was named as a “registered owner” who owned equity in the bank as one of its seven listed directors, as verified in a 2004 story published by the Guardian in London by Ben Aris in Berlin and Duncan Campbell in Washington titled “How Bush’s grandfather helped Hitler’s rise to power.”

Kevin Phillips, a former political strategist for Richard Nixon, wrote in his 2004 book “American Dynasty” of Prescott Bush’s involvement with Union Banking Corporation and the Nazis.

In 1941, the New York Herald Tribune had featured a front-page story headlined “Hitler’s Angel Has $3 Million in U.S. Bank” reporting that steel baron Fritz Thyssen had channeled the money into the Union Banking Corporation, possibly to be held for “Nazi big-wigs.” UBC was the bank, nominally owned by a Dutch intermediary, that Brown Brothers Harriman ran for the German Thyssen steel family. Prescott Bush was a director.

John Loftus, a former prosecutor with the Justice Department’s Nazi-hunting unit was less circumspect in tying Prescott Bush to Allen Dulles and Cromwell & Sullivan’s activities as a “firm engaged in financing Nazi Germany.”

On page 357 of his 1994 book “The Secret War Against the Jews,” Loftus and his co-author, investigative reporter Mark Aarons, wrote:

According to “The Splendid Blond Beast,” Christopher Simpson’s seminal history of the politics of genocide and profit, Brown Brothers, Harriman was another bank that specialized in investments in Germany. The key figure in the firm was Averill Harriman, a dominating figure in the American establishment, who for almost half a century helped form many of Washington’s major foreign policies. Some of his allies in this latter endeavor who also served on the firm’s board included Robert Lovett, who as previously discussed worked closely with James Forrestal to lead the State Department’s revolt against Truman’s pro-Zionist policy during the UN debate on the partition of Palestine, and George Bush’s father, Prescott, who later became a U.S. Senator.

On the next page, Loftus and Aarons detail that George Herbert Walker, grandfather of George H. W. Bush, put Prescott Bush on the board of directors of Union Banking Corporation in 1934, just before Walker set up a deal to take over the North American operations of the Hamburg-America Shipping line, which Loftus and Aarons describe as “a cover for I.G. Farben’s Nazi espionage unit in the United States.”

I. G. Farben was the German chemical industry conglomerate that became infamous in World War II for making the pesticide Zyklon B, the chemical used in the gas chambers of Auschwitz and other Nazi extermination camps during the Holocaust.

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