After Miami Dolphins safety Don Jones tweeted the one word “horrible” in reaction to newly drafted Michael Sam’s sloppy televised kiss of his boyfriend, the Dolphins ordered Jones to join the nation’s forced march to homosexual normalization.

On the way to “educational training” camp, Jones would do well to learn just how hastily the world’s leftists have put this march together.

Just a generation ago, it was the homosexual population the left had on the march and often to camps that were more than metaphorical.

In the way of background, on June 22, 1969, in London, singer Judy Garland took a few dozen Seconals too many and ended her confused life at age 47.

On June 27, her funeral was held in New York City. More than 20,000 fans filed past her open coffin, many of them a “friend of Dorothy,” code for “gay” in those pre-liberation days.

That night, the New York City Police just happened to raid an after-hours mob joint in Greenwich Village, the Stonewall Inn.

They picked the wrong night and the wrong joint. Still distressed over Judy’s death, the club’s resident drag queens threw a collective fit, and that bitchy show of defiance sparked several days of high-spirited protest and rioting.

Although the left now celebrates the “Stonewall Rebellion” as enthusiastically as the right does the Fourth of July, it was not always thus.

At the time, the liberal New York Daily News headlined the incident, “Homo Nest Raided, Queen Bees Are Stinging Mad.”

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On the harder left, even the usually insurrection-friendly Village Voice dismissed Stonewall as the “Great Faggot Rebellion.”

Meanwhile, in Cuba, the holy mother ship of the Western left, Castro and his henchmen were into year four of a systematic purge of their homosexual and effeminate compatriots, what they called “the scum of society.”

Communist thugs pulled these young men and boys from their homes, threw them into overcrowded cells and then dispatched them to concentration camps in the countryside.

There they were routinely humiliated, tortured and subjected to brutal labor. Many committed suicide. Back in the United States, the American left said nada.

Among the silent were Barack Obama’s mentors Bill Ayers and wife Bernardine Dohrn. As it happens, just a week after Stonewall Dohrn led an American delegation to Cuba for a clandestine meeting with their Cuban and Vietnamese comrades.

Back in the USA, the homosexual revolution was proceeding without much in the way of institutional liberal support, but its leadership was adapting leftist tactics.

In May 1970, the American Psychiatric Association (APA) happened to stage its annual meeting in San Francisco. Bad choice.

As the unsuspecting shrinks quickly realized, local gay activists had prepared a show of their own. Provocateurs hounded the shrinks throughout, shouting insults, disrupting meetings, snatching mikes from trembling hands, all the while insisting that they be heard.

“Psychiatry has waged a relentless war of extermination against us,” shouted one activist. In confusing these timid docs with the SS, he was hardly unique.

From the beginning of the insurrection, gay activists would undermine their foes’ defenses with Nazi allusions until they skulked away or surrendered.

The shrinks were not remotely man enough to fight back. They were keening for their own private Vichy before the San Francisco meeting was half way through.

By December 1973, they had fully capitulated. The APA’s Board of Trustees voted overwhelmingly that month to remove homosexuality from the “Diagnostic and Sexual Manual.”

With the upward thrust of a few wrinkled hands, they opted for collaboration, declaring gayness to be something other than an illness.

The pols, in San Francisco at least, had already declared it to be something other than a crime. Soon the churches would declare homosexuality to be something other than a sin – and, if not, there would be hell to pay.

Beyond San Francisco, however, Democrats were slow to discover their passion for the gay cause. In 1977, for instance, Democratic Vice President Walter Mondale gave a speech in San Francisco on “human rights” without a passing nod to “gay” anything.

Dismayed by the speech’s drift, a gay onlooker shouted, “When are you going to speak out on gay rights?” Mondale would have none of it. He walked off the stage in a snit, and the state Democratic chairman scolded the gay guy.

Just five years later, in 1982, Mondale was championing gay rights before a thousand gay men and lesbians at the newly organized “Human Rights Campaign Fund” dinner.

“Tonight I pledge to you to continue the fight against all forms of irrational discrimination,” Mondale thundered with a convert’s zeal.

He was hardly alone. In that five-year period, all the leading Democrats had managed to join the march.

Pundits attribute this mass conversion experience to the effect of AIDS on the national conscience, but Mondale would not even mention the disease when he ran for president in 1984. It was all about the discovery of newly aware and heavily concentrated voters.

Still, it took AIDS to get big business on board the gay express. The disease “perversely legitimized the gay community as a group of consumers,” culture critic Daniel Harris argues.

Harris contends that by presenting gays as “an object of pity,” corporate America and its media allies could now welcome gays “into the fold of conventional shoppers.”

To do so, though, they felt “compelled to reinvent the homosexual, reshaping him in the image of the happily wedded heterosexual.”

Harris resents this re-imaging not only because it is false, but also because it is destroying a distinctly gay subculture or, as he smartly phrases it, “laying waste to the natural habitat of homosexuals.”

But as Michael Sam’s big kiss attests, liberals and their media and corporate allies are still keen as ever on this re-imaging, however false.

And although leftists may have changed sides in this particular culture war, they have not changed tactics. As Don Jones learned the hard way, when they decide you are “scum,” it’s off to the camps.

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