|
A Free Press |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|
Kissinger affirms call for 'new world order'Proposes globalism to solve current world economic crisisPosted: January 15, 2009 3:58 pm Eastern By Jerome R. Corsi
Kissinger's commentary makes clear globalists intend to utilize the current global financial meltdown to advance globalism. In developing his call for action, Kissinger also makes clear his view of globalism involves a lessening of American power and influence to elevate other less advantaged countries in the global economy. "The economic world has been globalized," Kissinger proclaimed. "Its institutions have a global reach and have operated by maxims that assumed a self-regulating global market." (Story continues below) Kissinger warns against individual countries taking action through national political institutions to cushion the shock of the current financial decline, with a view to ameliorating their domestic economies. Rather than focus on domestic politics, Kissinger says the solution involves more globalism. "Every major country has attempted to solve its immediate problems essentially on its own and to defer common action to a later, less crisis-driven point," Kissinger wrote. "So called rescue packages have emerged on a piecemeal national basis, generally by substituting unlimited governmental credit for the domestic credit that produced the debacle in the first place – so far without more than stemming incipient panic." Kissinger strongly objects to nation-states action as such to protect their domestic economies. "In the end, the political and economic systems can be harmonized in only one of two ways: by creating an international political regulatory system with the same reach as that of the economic world," he suggests, "or by shrinking the economic units to a size manageable by existing political structures, which is likely to lead to a new mercantilism, perhaps of regional units." Kissinger clearly prefers creating global political institutions to manage the global economy. He positions his alternative, "mercantilism," as a system reminiscent of a 14th century Venetian economic structure, as objectionable as the "protectionism" globalists typically rail against. Kissinger also chides America for being overbearing, suggesting that "righteousness" has "characterized too many American attitudes, especially since the collapse of the Soviet Union." He charges that American righteousness has resulted in "a certain inherent unilateralism – the standard of European critics – or else an insistent kind of consultation by which nations were invited to prove their fitness to enter the international system by conforming to American prescriptions." Not since JFK has a president like Obama come on the scene, "with such a reservoir of expectations," Kissinger argues. Kissinger believes the U.S. partnerships with the European Union and China are the keystones to developing his perception of the new world order. He acknowledges "the global financial collapse has devastated Chinese exports," threatening to lower Chinese growth to below the 7.5 percent rate "that Chinese experts have always defined as the line that challenges political stability." Yet, he warns that "if protectionism grows in America or if China comes to be seen as a long-term adversary, a self-fulfilling prophecy may blight the prospects of global order." Kissinger wants his vision of the new world order to be built upon a trans-Atlantic reality in which the U.S. combines economically and politically with the European Union, and a trans-Pacific reality in which the U.S. combines with China. "An international order can be permanent only if its participants have a share not only in building but also securing it," he concludes. "In this manner, America and its potential partners have a unique opportunity to transform a moment of crisis into a vision of hope." As WND previously reported, Kissinger, who has long proclaimed the need for a "new world order," is now focusing his request on Obama, urging the incoming president to seize upon the current financial crisis as a pathway to creating globalist political structures as a solution. "The Late Great USA: The Coming Merger with Mexico and Canada," published in July 2007, predicted that an approaching collapse of the dollar would be followed by a global recession paving the way for a North American Union regional configuration in which U.S. sovereignty would fade. WND also has reported Kissinger is a leading participant in various global meetings, including those held by the Council on Foreign Relations, the Bilderberg Group and the Davos World Economic Forum.
Related offers: Get Jerome Corsi's "The Obama Nation," exclusively from WND's online store. Whistleblower magazine's "THE SECRET LIFE OF BARACK OBAMA"
Previous stories: Kissinger: Obama primed to create 'New World Order' Pat Robertson: God says U.S. will accept socialism Communist Party chief: U.S. on road to socialism Teary-eyed communists cheer Obama victory Communist Party strategist maps out Obama's agenda Communist Party hails role of labor unions in Obama win Communist Party ecstatic over '08 election results Marxist 'mentor' sold drugs with Obama Jerome R. Corsi is a senior staff reporter for WND. He received a Ph.D. from Harvard University in political science in 1972 and has written many books and articles, including his best-sellers "America For Sale," "The Obama Nation" and "The Late Great USA." Other books include "Showdown with Nuclear Iran," "Black Gold Stranglehold: The Myth of Scarcity and the Politics of Oil," which he co-authored with WND columnist Craig. R. Smith, and "Atomic Iran."
|
|
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||