It is said, “dead men tell no tales.” If that were true, then America
would have never known of the real story behind the Clinton
administration. Two dead men are calling from their graves for the last
few years of their lives to be told. The ghosts of Vince Foster and Ron
Brown hover over Bill Clinton.
Vince Foster and Ron Brown were both involved in the Clinton/China
encryption scandal. One known event took place in May 1993 when Vince
Foster, Webster Hubbell and Bernard Nussbaum paid the National Security
Administration (NSA) a visit. These
three fine gentlemen, with close connections to Hillary Clinton and the
Arkansas Rose Office Law Firm, were tasked by President Clinton to help
develop policy for U.S. communications technology.
According to Foster’s secretary, the White House lawyer also had
binders from the NSA in his office. Binders that were never turned over
by the White House. White House officials denied that Foster had any
connection with the NSA. However, documents
forced from the NSA by Washington Weekly and an interview with former
NSA Director Adm. McConnell both confirmed Foster’s presence at Ft.
Meade in 1993.
Foster’s attendance at Ft. Meade also confirmed that Attorney General
Janet Reno tasked Hubbell to encryption policy. Hubbell had access to
Top Secret material on U.S. encryption. This fact was confirmed by a
series of 1997 interviews with Democratic and
Republican staff members in the House. Congressman Dan Burton currently
holds documents where Hubbell held long meetings with Foster and now CIA
Director George Tenet inside the White House in 1993. Burton cannot
release those documents because
Democratic members have threatened to walk.
Hubbell was convicted in 1994 for fraud at the same time he was paid
hundreds of thousands of dollars by Indonesian billionaire Mochtar
Riady. Riady and his Lippo group had a great deal of interest in
advanced U.S. technology. Riady’s man inside the
Clinton administration was John Huang at the Brown Commerce Department.
The Commerce Department asserted in writing in 1997 to this author that
John Huang had no encryption documentation.
Yet, the CIA briefed Huang 37 times on satellite encryption
technology while at Commerce. Huang’s co-worker, former DNC fundraiser
Ira Sockowitz, walked out of the Commerce Department in 1996 with over
2,000 pages of top secret information on
satellite encryption, space launch and earth imaging technology.
Sockowitz was supposed to fly with Brown on the fatal trade trip but
he took an advance flight ahead of the Secretary instead. Sockowitz
identified Ron Brown’s body at the crash scene. Sockowitz left Commerce
with the secrets only days after Brown’s death. He was never prosecuted
nor investigated.
One Sockowitz document was so classified that the NSA sent a
representative to testify before Federal Judge Royce Lamberth to keep it
secret. NSA testimony showed that Sockowitz took a highly classified
report based on informants from inside other countries and inside the
U.S.
The list of nations and foreign intelligence services affected by the
leaked report reads like a Rand McNally road map of secret services
around the world. According to the testimony, release of the report
would affect the “careers” of many foreign officials. The last U.S.
official who had similar career problems was convicted spy Johnathan
Pollard — now spending life in prison for passing U.S. encryption
secrets to Israel.
Other documents hidden among the Sockowitz files include a classified
series of memos from the Commerce Undersecretary for Export
Administration (BXA) William Reinsch. The memos detail a July 1996
Clinton waiver for Loral satellite exports to China
and Russia. In July 1998, House National Security Committee Chairman
Spence told BXA head Reinsch to produce that memo and other documents
taken by Sockowitz. So far, the White House and Reinsch have been unable
to comply.
Loral attorneys also claimed to Chairman Rohrabacher of the House
Space Sub-Committee that the million dollars Loral CEO Schwartz gave to
the DNC bought no special favors, and that Loral passed no military
technology to China.
The Loral claims are ridiculous. Loral’s own letters of complaint to
Ron Brown clearly show both claims to be false. The claim that no
military technology was exported is disputed by Loral’s own 1994
briefing memo given to Ron Brown that states
that satellites such as Globalstar were “commercial applications of DoD
technology.”
Another example is when Loral DEFENSE President Jerald Lindfelt wrote
Brown a letter in 1996 where he expressed his desire to sell advanced
Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR) technology to China. Lindfelt wrote
“We’ve worked hard trying to resolve these problems with the Department
of State, the Department of Commerce and the Defense Technology Security
Administration (DTSA), but someone in these organizations always manages
to block our participation. … Could you help us by identifying someone
in the Commerce Department high enough in the organization to help us
resolve these issues and open this marketplace to our participation.”
Thus, Loral “Defense” President Lindfelt asked Brown to over-ride the
State Department, the Defense Department and the Commerce Department to
ship a radar system that experts in all three agencies had objected to.
Only Clinton could do that, and he took big dollars from Bernard
Schwartz.
The claim that Mr. Schwartz received no special favors is almost
laughable. In 1996 Loral requested that President Clinton hold up his
signature on the Globalstar export waiver so Loral could include an
encrypted satellite telemetry control station for
China.
In 1994 President Clinton arranged for Schwartz to meet Shen
Rong-Jun, Vice Minister of the Chinese Commission of Science, Technology
and Industry for National Defense (COSTIND). Of course, Shen Rong-Jun
usually goes by his better known title of
Lt. General Shen Rong-Jun of the People’s Liberation Army. COSTIND,
according to the GAO, is “an agency of the Chinese military (which)
oversees development of China’s weapon systems and is responsible for
identifying and acquiring telecommunications technology applicable for
military use.”
Another example from the files of Ron Brown shows that the wife of
Chinese General Ding Henggao, Madam Nie Li, obtained permission under a
“commercial license” through the Commerce Department to export an
advanced — encrypted — secure fiber
optic communications system to China. According to the same
documentation, General Ding Henggao is also the Director of COSTIND.
The same 1996 document notes that Mr. Xie Zhichao, COSTIND
Electronics Design Bureau Director, and communications expert Deng
Changru were part of the executive management for the same Chinese front
company. Mr. Xie and Mr. Deng also have other formal titles. They are
both Lt. Colonels in the Chinese Red Army. These astonishing facts on
Clinton-Chinese Army deals come directly from the U.S. Commerce
Department.
Yet, the Commerce Department claimed on September 1, 1998 that it
cannot “confirm nor deny the existence of any records” in regard to a
Freedom of Information (FOIA) request for information on “COSTIND.”
Furthermore, the Commerce Department
claims “If records were to exist they would be exempt from disclosure
… unless the release of such information is determined by the
Secretary to be in the national interest.”
Obviously, I can confirm that documents on COSTIND exist inside the
Commerce Department.
There is still more evidence the Commerce Department is covering up
crimes committed under Secretary Brown. For example, in response to two
different FOIA requests, the Commerce Department returned one trade
report twice in 1998. The first version of
the trade report was heavily blacked out for “commercial” and “privacy”
reasons. The second, a duplicate of the first, revealed that Indonesian
dictator Suharto had cut his son-in-law in on a private powerplant deal
built and financed by the U.S. government. Of course, the U.S.
contractor that needed Brown advocacy to win the deal was also a big
donor to the DNC.
The accidentally released 1994 APEC Advocacy trade report spells out
exactly the kind of data being withheld from the U.S. public. The report
shows the Brown Commerce Department pushed the power plant despite known
corruption and kickbacks. “ADB is
skiddish about involvement of Indonesia’s first family (a minority
shareholder is married to Pres. Suharto’s daughter). … Ambassador
Barry has been working with Executive Director Linda Yang, at the ADB
who is ‘doing all she can.'”
Another page from the 1994 trade report shows that Commerce officials
were suspicious of Indonesian corruption with French space companies.
The document notes the intense competition to win satellite launch
contracts for Indonesia between the U.S. and France included
“allegations that the French have paid ‘incentive money’ to the
Indonesians, but this cannot be confirmed.”
Written evidence that American, Indonesian and French taxpayers were
being swindled. Three governments, spanning three continents, all
involved in one crime. A trail of evidence leading to the Commerce
Department and to Bill Clinton, all blacked out in one hidden report
from the late Ron Brown.
The ghosts of dead men haunt this government, kept alive by fresh
lies and hidden under blacked out reports. Evidence on the transfer of
nuclear missile technology to communist China and kickbacks to the
Clinton/Gore campaign. Despite the evidence of crimes — the cover-up
continues at the Commerce Department, at Ft. Meade, and inside the White
House.
Charles Smithis a journalist and President of SOFTWAR, a computer security company based in Richmond, VA.
He writes frequently on issues of national security and information
warfare.
SOURCE DOCUMENTS:
http://www.softwar.net/costind.html
