Is he the frustrating frontrunner -- too far ahead in money and
endorsements
for his opponents to catch? Or is he the soft, susceptible center --
adopted
by some Democrats and
Republicans, but not fully embraced by either?
Those are the questions to be answered Tuesday about Johnny
Isakson, the favorite to succeed
Newt Gingrich as the representative from Georgia's 6th District. He has
already received an unofficial endorsement from the former speaker of
the House. Gov. Roy Barnes called
for the special election after Gingrich's resignation.
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Isakson served in the Georgia House of Representatives from 1976 to
1990,
and was the Republican nominee for governor in 1990. He also was elected
to the state Senate in 1993, and served until he sought the Republican
nomination for U.S. Senate in 1996.
The number of contenders for the February election has fluctuated,
but at
last count, seven candidates were chasing Isakson. Only one, Gary
"Bats"
Pelphrey, is a declared Democrat. Pelphrey
lost to Gingrich in November, carrying 29 percent of the vote.
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The 6th District is solidly Republican, which explains the lack of
opposition from the left.
"The district is designed to be conservative, so there's not much
opportunity for Democrats," said Eric Smith, communications director for
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the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. Pelphrey said he is receiving no support from the
state or national parties, although some individual Democrats are
helping his campaign.
Some people believe Democrats would like Isakson to win. Even the
state
Democratic Party declined to comment for this article, saying only that
it
is a "nonpartisan race." Isakson has been endorsed by former Democratic
governor Zell Miller (who also appointed Isakson as chairman of the
Georgia
Board of Education).
"Isakson is a middle-of-the-roader -- part of the good old boy
network,"
said Pelphrey. "He has some IOUs to call in, because he's done some
fundraising for Democrats."
Isakson is likely facing more formidable competition from the right.
While
he says his conservative credentials are "impeccable," his Republican
opponents have found enough in his record to challenge his claim. They
say
that Isakson's support from both major political parties is evidence of
his
liberalism.
"Our read of his support is that it's quite soft," said Christina
Jeffrey, a Kennesaw State University
professor
and Isakson's strongest Republican opponent. "And there's good reason
for
that."
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The most obvious target for conservatives is Isakson's pro-choice
position
on abortion. Other Republican candidates such as Barry Doublestein
and Marco Longo, in addition to Jeffrey, have proudly
compared their staunch pro-life positions to Isakson's.
In this campaign, however, Isakson has been emphasizing his support
for a
ban on partial-birth abortions, and also has been highlighting his
support
of parental notification requirements.
"Johnny's been running to my right," said Jeffrey, who believes that
is a
sign that Isakson's greatest danger is from conservatives.
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Jeffrey considers Isakson to be a "tax-and-spend liberal." While he
claims
that he's never voted for a tax increase, Jeffrey says that Isakson has
supported many tax increases in Georgia's state budgets.
Jeffrey favors total abolition of the Internal Revenue Service.
"I want that agency gone," she said. "That agency is sick."
Jeffrey has received endorsements from several prominent
conservatives,
including former presidential candidate Alan Keyes
and Rep. Ron Paul
of Texas. The 6th District
Republican
Assembly, the local chapter of a national group that promotes
candidacies
of conservatives for public office, also supports Jeffrey.
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"We're tired of settling for moderate ... well, not moderate -- but
liberal
candidates," said Chuck Lokey, chairman of the Republican Assembly.
No one knows the depth of Isakson's support, but his appeal does
cross a
wide spectrum. He even received praise from a local prominent
libertarian.
"I've known Johnny for ages, and I think he'd do a damn good job up
in
Washington," said
Neal Boortz, a popular
Atlanta radio talk-show host. "I think it's a foregone conclusion that
he will win. He would have to try in order to lose this race."
Isakson's personal wealth, in addition to his fundraising, has given
him a
huge lead in campaign money. He claims to have about $1.5 million at his
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disposal, and has been the only candidate running radio and television
advertising.
In contrast, Jeffrey has raised about $200,000. She plans a blitz of
radio
and television advertising in the week leading up to the election, and
Isakson can count on a multi-pronged attack on his record.
For his part, Isakson seems to be running a quiet but visible
campaign.
Despite the barbs that he receives as the frontrunner, he doesn't seem
fazed -- this race has been about Isakson's perceived lead and swatting
away
the have-nots. It appears the most that any of his opponents could hope
for
is a runoff election in March, which would happen only if the winner
gains
less than 50 percent of the vote.
Turnout is expected to be low -- perhaps as low as 4 percent.
Conventional
wisdom says that low turnout favors the conservative candidates.
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Isakson is just trying to stay on his message.
"If you're worrying about the other guy, you're worrying about the
wrong
thing," he said.