This is an old story. I'm getting tired of telling it. But it's an
important one that still -- three years later -- has received next to no
intelligent, thoughtful coverage in the establishment print medium.
So, here we go again.
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In the summer of 1994, my non-profit news organization, the Western
Journalism Center, began an investigation into various Clinton
administration scandals. By December of that year, our work had made it
onto the White House's radar screen and we were officially listed on the
first known "enemies list" -- a 14-page memo written by Associate White
House Counsel Jane Sherburne.
Of course, I didn't know that then. I didn't find out until years
later when the document showed up among thousands subpoenaed by
congressional investigators.
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In other words, as early as 1994, the White House was keeping tabs,
gathering information and compiling files on me and my group.
A year later, another interesting document was distributed to select
journalists by the White House counsel's office and, interestingly, the
Democratic National Committee that showed the pattern of illegally
maintaining dossiers on private citizens continued.
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It was called the "Communication Stream of Conspiracy Commerce," and
you can get a copy of this playbook of what Hillary Clinton referred
to as the "vast right-wing conspiracy" exclusively at the WorldNetDaily
storefront.
The 331-page report focused on three news organizations at the nexus
of this "conspiracy" against Clinton -- the American Spectator, the
Pittsburgh Tribune-Review and the Western Journalism Center. The report
contained a full-blown, five-page biography on only one journalist --
me.
A year after that, coincidentally, we're to believe, an Internal
Revenue Service investigator shows up at our offices to announce the
center is under audit and in danger of losing its tax-exempt status.
Why? Because the center had done critical reporting of the president in
an election year. That's what the agent told us.
Additionally, if there was any remaining doubt about the motives
behind this audit, the field agent, Thomas Cederquist told our
accountant that "this is a political case and the decision will be made
at the national level."
On Oct. 22, 1996, I broke the story of this illegal audit and a
pattern of other IRS scrutiny of other Clinton enemies in the pages of
the Wall Street Journal. A firestorm erupted. There was wide media
coverage. IRS Commissioner Margaret Milner Richardson resigned. A
congressional probe was launched.
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The audit was concluded in May of the following year. Our
organization was nearly broke as a result. Employees were laid off.
Publications closed down. Major donors had been scared off. Legal and
accounting bills had risen. Staff time eaten up by the time-consuming
process.
I decided to pursue justice nonetheless. I filed Freedom of
Information Act requests in vain. The government stalled us -- even
refusing to turn over our case file as is required under the "Taxpayer's
Bill of Rights."
Later, with the help of Judicial Watch's Larry Klayman, we filed a
$10 million lawsuit against the IRS agents and other officials we deemed
responsible. We filed a Freedom of Information lawsuit, too, still
trying to secure the documents that would prove we were targeted for
political reasons.
In July 1999, the Treasury Department finally responded with some
documents it had been withholding for years -- including a secret
internal report on an investigation of our audit. The report concluded
that the audit of the Western Journalism Center began when the White
House sent a letter of complaint to the IRS Exempt Organizations
Division.
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Did you catch that? Clinton's own Treasury Department had concluded
that this was a political audit -- that it was triggered when a letter
from the White House arrived at the IRS.
Despite this smoking gun and a paper trail that leads right to Bill
Clinton at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, Congress has ineptly dropped the
ball in its so-called probe of this impeachable offense.
Three years later, the Joint Committee on Taxation has failed to
issue a report. There has been no communication between me -- the
principal in this matter -- and the committee staff for nearly two
years. I did fly to Washington at my own expense and on my own
initiative to share every detail of what I have told you with the
committee -- all to no avail.
Now, according to Julia Malone of Cox News Service, the committee is
just days away from issuing this long-awaited report.
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"The allegation, evoking memories of President Nixon's attempts to
punish his political enemies with IRS audits, will get more attention
soon with the expected release of a report from Congress," she wrote.
The probe took so long because "it's very labor-intensive,'' said
Lindy Paull, chief of staff for the tax committee. Oh, poor baby.
"Paull declined to say what the report of more than 100 pages
concludes, but she warned that it will not discuss specific tax cases,
since that is prohibited by federal privacy laws," the story says.
Excuse me, but without specific cases, what will this report mean?
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I predict exactly nothing.
Why, after all this time, has Congress failed to act on such strong
evidence of presidential crimes?
I'm now convinced it's because Congress, too, has misused the IRS to
pursue political enemies. And nobody -- in either party -- is eager to
open that can of worms.
Nevertheless, if you want to make your voice heard on the this
matter, you can do it easily through our Legislative Action
Network."