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By bringing together leaders this week from Hamas, Hezbollah and the Islamic Jihad, Iran hopes to reassert its role as a sponsor of radical Palestinian and Lebanese opposition groups, reports STRATFOR, the leading global intelligence company.
The move, aimed to advance Iran’s influence over the Middle East peace process, also provides a momentary respite in the run-up to the Iranian presidential elections.
Tehran is aiming first to hinder peace talks over the Palestinian uprising in Israel to demonstrate to the Israelis and others that it can still wield power and influence in the region.
By acting as a sponsor and coordinator of the Palestinian opposition, Iran undermines Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat’s ability to negotiate peace with Israel and, at the same time, improves the effectiveness of militant groups in attacking Israel, according to STRATFOR.
This week, Iran hosted a two-day international conference in Tehran to support the Palestinian uprising in Israel. Tehran hopes to isolate Arafat and assume control over the intifada. In fact, while Arafat is working with Egypt and Jordan to resume peace talks, Iran has called for the strengthening of the uprising.
But Tehran’s efforts could prove to be a double-edged sword in the international community. While publicly forming ties to groups like Hamas, Hezbollah and the Islamic Jihad will damage Iran’s image among some foreign leaders, others will look to Tehran as an influential third party.
During the conference, Iranian President Mohammad Khatami “stressed the importance of unity among the combatant groups and told those attending that the most important issue in Palestine is strengthening the intifada,” Iranian state news agency IRNA reported April 24.
By focusing on the problems the Palestinians face, Khatami and Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei also turn the public’s attention away from the June 8 presidential elections. Likely to be the next big battle between conservative and reformist factions, Tehran is championing an issue both sides support, which quells the internal conflict for the moment.
Since the start of the uprising last September, Iran has not played a leading role in the conflict. But Tehran may be shifting to a more proactive stance. In fact, the agenda of the conference, labeled the “International Conference of Support for the Intifada and the Islamic Revolution in Palestine,” is to focus those attending on creating a coordinated policy for supporting the Palestinian uprising.
Parliamentary representatives from 35 Arab and Islamic nations, as well as leaders from several Palestinian opposition groups — including the Islamic Resistance Movement known as Hamas, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad and the Lebanese Shiite militia Hezbollah — attended the event.
But who was not there may be as important as who was. Palestinian National Authority President Yasser Arafat was noticeably absent.
Iran plans to undercut Arafat’s efforts toward peace by offering the Palestinians an alternative. Iranian leaders also have suggested calling a referendum among the “original inhabitants of Palestine on the country’s future,” the BBC reported.
Sponsoring radical groups opposed to Arafat is a key strategy in achieving this goal. In May 1999, Khatami met several Palestinian opposition leaders in Syria. While in Damascus, Khatami reportedly held talks with former Palestinian National Council Chairman Khaled al-Fahoum; Ahmed Jibril, leader of the People’s Front for the Liberation of Palestine, General Command; and the Secretary General of Islamic Jihad, Ramadan Abdullah Shalah.
Ironically, during the last few years, Iran had reduced its support of international radical groups. Aimed at attracting foreign investment, Iran cut down on its supply of weapons to groups like Hezbollah and also toned down its rhetoric supporting the radical actions of these groups.
But today, Tehran clearly is moving to reverse that trend. Before arms and training can resume, however, Iran must first consolidate its position as leader of the various radical groups. The first step is to develop a coordinated policy among the groups.
Moreover, it appears that now is an opportune time for Iran to make such a move since Arafat’s ability to control the violence in the territories — and those perpetrating the violence — has come into question.
Even Israel is divided on the issue. Israeli military intelligence argues Arafat is in complete control over the violence, while Israel’s Shin Bet argues the Palestinian leader has lost control and receives direction from Palestinian security officials, the Israeli daily Ha’aretz reported.
Iran’s decision to hold the Palestinian summit likely aimed to capitalize on Arafat’s declining credibility and to bolster his opponents’ credibility. Iran’s leaders met with many of Arafat’s staunchest rivals. For example, Hamas leader Khaled Mashaal attended the conference. Mashaal is a vocal challenger of both Arafat’s leadership and his peace talks with Israel.
His opposition and his role in Hamas made him a key target for Israel. Indeed, Mashaal was the subject of a failed assassination attempt in 1997, allegedly by the Israeli secret service in Amman, Jordan, CNN reported.
Also attending were Hezbollah’s leader, Sheik Hassan Nasrallah, and Ramezan Abdullah, leader of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, the Associated Press reported.
It did not take long to measure the impact of the Tehran meetings. Israel already is accusing Iran of supporting radical groups. Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon claimed Tehran was building a rocket base in Lebanon that could mount attacks against Israel. Hamid Reza-Assefi, a spokesman for the Iranian Foreign Ministry, denied Sharon’s claims, according to a report from Agence France-Presse.
At the same time, raising the Palestinian issue in Tehran will offer a moment of respite in the nation’s internal power struggle.
Although it won’t substantively alter the debate between reformers and conservatives over the future direction of the country, it does remind both groups of larger common goals.
Tehran probably will reaffirm its role first by supporting the escalation of violence by these groups in Israel, then quickly bringing it to a halt. Turning the attacks on and off like a spigot is necessary to demonstrate Tehran’s influence.
This, in turn, will spur both Arafat and Sharon to move to counter Iranian influence, concludes STRAFOR. Already, Sharon has softened his stance toward Arafat, and Israel is reportedly considering the joint Egyptian-Jordanian peace plan. Neither Israel nor Arafat wants Tehran to bolster militant groups. In response, the two may find it necessary to work together to prevent it.
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