Israel and Iran: Covert friends?

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Recent allegations that an Israeli company was caught shipping military parts to Iran have raised several questions about shadowy ties between the two countries, which share a common enemy in Iraq, reports Stratfor, the global intelligence company.

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On Aug. 28, German officials seized a ship carrying rubber parts which, interestingly, are used primarily to make tracks for the M113 Armored Personnel Carrier – an older, U.S.-made vehicle that many countries use. What made it even more interesting was that the parts were being shipped by an Israeli company called PAD. And what made it absolutely fascinating was that the final destination for the parts was the Islamic Republic of Iran, which, like Israel, uses the M113.

PAD is headed by Avihai Weinstein, who had been detained before on charges of selling engines for the M113 to Iran in 1996 – although those charges were dropped for lack of evidence. In the recent incident, PAD had an export license for the parts, but they were supposed to go to Thailand. However, according to Israeli newspapers, the parts were to be transferred to an Iranian ship in Hamburg and sent to Bandar Abbas, Iran, instead.

Israelis close to the government claimed that, far from trading with Iran, Israel had tipped off Germany. And officials in Tehran expressed shock and horror at the idea that they would be doing business with the Zionist entity.

All of this may be true. Weinstein, already suspected by the Israeli government of being involved in shipping military equipment to Iran (yet without enough evidence to convict), may nevertheless have decided to try again, undoubtedly on the theory that the government would never suspect someone like him. This would make Weinstein a leading contender for this year's Darwin award for people too dumb to be allowed to reproduce. For its part, Israel – instead of arresting Weinstein before he left – may have decided that Hamburg would be a better place to stop him, since it would create a more embarrassing public spectacle. And Iran indeed may never have done business with Israel, preferring to buy spare parts for their U.S.-built system at flea markets.

All of this is possible, but other theories suggest themselves. Israel and Iran engaged in intense intelligence and military cooperation during the shah's rule. The fall of the shah and the rise of an Islamic regime shattered any formal ties between the two countries, but it did not obliterate their shared geopolitical interests.

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Under the shah, Iran and Iraq fought a war that ended in 1975. After the establishment of the Islamic Republic, that war resumed and continued until 1988, more intensely and brutally than before. Israel did not want to see Iraq defeat Iran – not because it held any affection for the regime in Tehran, but because a triumphant Iraq would have been disastrous for Israel. And Tehran, facing an Iraq whose attack had tacit U.S. support – and with a military equipped almost exclusively with American weapons – lacked access to American spare parts and newer weapons. Without that, Iran could have lost the war. Therefore, ideology aside, geopolitical interest kept the channels between Israel and Iran open.

At one point, with the Iran-Contra affair, Washington deliberately used those channels. Phase 1 of the affair involved selling arms to Iran; Phase 2 involved using the money from the sales to fund the Contras. The United States used Israel to transship arms to Iran not only for plausible deniability (which was never really plausible to begin with), but because Israel had an open channel with Tehran. Israeli leaders knew the professional military in Iran and maintained liaisons with Iranian intelligence and some Iranian factions.

That channel has never completely closed, although the level of activity has varied. Israel and Iran remain enemies of Iraq. Tehran was delighted when Israel destroyed Iraq's nuclear facilities in 1981, since officials knew perfectly well that Iran would have been the first target of Iraqi nukes. There were even rumors of some Iranian assistance to Israel at the time of the attack. The United States has found the channel between the two countries useful both for intelligence purposes and for making certain that the military balance between Iran and Iraq is maintained.

The idea that Israel and Iran could have active, covert relationships that both would deny – and that the United States actually might encourage – is strange, but only if one takes absolutely seriously the ideological pronouncements of all sides. In a world where Stalin could be allied first with Hitler and then with Churchill, the idea of Israeli-Iranian relations is not as insane as it sounds.

In fact, it is one of the critical features of the Middle East. Iran and Israel have a common enemy in Iraq. They are not enemies only of Saddam Hussein, but also of the various groups that he has created. The fact that Iran sponsors Hezbollah does not change the fact that Iraq also sponsors anti-Israeli groups. If Iran will help destroy those groups while still supporting Hezbollah, Israel is a net winner. And if Israel can help Iran defend itself, Iran is a net winner.

It is the United States' position on this that is not clear. There certainly have been times when Washington wanted to support Iran, but it is not clear that this is one of those times. If Iraq is destroyed, Iran will be the most powerful country in the region, no longer checked by Baghdad. In addition, Iran appears to be helping al-Qaida. Therefore, this would not seem to be a time when Washington would want to strengthen Tehran.

But then again, all this may be simply the money-making scheme of a 32-year-old businessman working behind the backs of the Israeli and Iranian governments, neither of which would ever knowingly have anything to do with each other. Anything is possible.

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