The real story behindthe Clinton body count

Editor's note: The following is an eye-opening look into New York Times best-selling author Richard Poe's revealing book, "Hillary's Secret War." Whereas Edward Klein's book on the New York senator reveals previously unknown aspects of her personal life, Poe's expose focuses on how Hillary Clinton and the left's "shadow government" have labored to put her and her far-left agenda in the White House by controlling the still-uncensored flow of real news to Americans – via the Internet.

If that sounds too fantastic to be true, read on.

"When Clinton lied, nobody died," says a popular bumper sticker.

While untrue, the slogan makes good propaganda. Democrats can repeat it ad infinitum without fear of rebuttal from Republicans. No conservative in public life is willing to broach the topic of the Clinton body count in 2005. Yet the Clintons are more vulnerable on this issue than on any other.

Nixon's articles of impeachment did not accuse him of ordering the burglary of Democratic Party headquarters at the Watergate Hotel. They accused him only of covering up the burglary, after the fact.

Likewise, no one can prove that Deputy White House Counsel Vincent Foster met his death through foul play. It is quite possible that he committed suicide. However, it has been proved beyond doubt that the Clinton White House obstructed, corrupted and undermined every effort to investigate Foster's death.

Nixon was held accountable for his obstructive acts. The Clintons were not.

A nation in denial

British journalist Ambrose Evans-Pritchard is one of the most knowledgeable investigators of the Foster cover-up. The Cambridge-educated Evans-Pritchard is less easily dismissed than many Clinton critics. He covered war-torn Central America for the Economist and the Sunday Telegraph. As the Telegraph's Washington bureau chief from 1992 to 1997, he "was known in Washington for accuracy, industry and courage" in the words of Washington Post pundit Robert Novak.

Evans-Pritchard has commented on the cocoon of denial into which many decent, well-meaning people retreat when their governments go bad. He has seen it in many countries. "You tell the people in San Salvador that their air force is carpet-bombing the campesinos, they say that's impossible," he remarked to New York Times Magazine writer Philip Weiss. Evans-Pritchard saw a similar self-delusion proliferating in Clinton's America.

According to Evans-Pritchard, he became "radicalized" in Nicaragua. "I could see that what the [foreign] press was writing was not true about the Sandinistas," he told Insight magazine in 1997. "They had a love affair with the revolution. They were all sitting around Managua and going to parties with Sandinista officials. There was a very romantic side to it all. But out there in the countryside, the Sandinistas were doing horrible things to the campesinos ... people were being killed in quite large numbers."

Evans-Pritchard did what his colleagues would not. He traveled the countryside and interviewed campesinos. They were only too glad to tell him about Sandinista atrocities. "For the first time in my life, I realized that what you read in the papers is not true, and this quite shocked me. I started writing from a different point of view, and I found myself very quickly in a big dispute with my colleagues, and it never ended."

In Clinton's America, Evans-Pritchard saw journalists behaving little differently from their colleagues in the Managua press corps. "The way [American reporters] cover Arkansas is exactly the way they covered Nicaragua, which is they didn't go out into the hills and talk to ordinary people," he noted in 1997.

Evans-Pritchard undertook the task himself. He presented his discoveries in a 1997 book titled, "The Secret Life of Bill Clinton: The Unreported Stories" – in my view, the most accurate, thorough and fearless account of Clinton corruption yet produced. It offers a detailed expose of the Clintons' ties to drug lords and death squads, in an America rapidly descending into Salvadoran-style lawlessness.

"To a foreign eye, America looks like a country that is flying out of control," writes Evans-Pritchard.

[I]t is under Clinton that an armed militia movement involving tens of thousands of people has mushroomed out of the plain ... People do not spend their weekends with an SKS rifle, drilling for guerrilla warfare ... in a country that is at ease with itself. It takes very bad behavior to provoke the first simmerings of armed insurgency, and the militias are unmistakably Clinton's offspring.

Regarding Vincent Foster's peculiar death and the ensuing cover-up, Evans-Pritchard wrote in 1997, "The Foster case is taboo for American journalists. In private, many concede that the official story is unbelievable, but they will not broach it in print ... It has nothing to do with party affiliation. If anything, Republican journalists are even more susceptible to the spell."

'Cleaning house'

Jerry Luther Parks was reportedly watching a news bulletin on the death of Vincent Foster when he turned from the television and muttered, "I'm a dead man." His son Gary was with him in the room. It was July 21, 1993. The White House Deputy Counsel had just been found dead in Fort Marcy Park, about seven miles from the White House, across the Potomac River in Virginia. Foster had been shot through the head, said the bulletin, an apparent suicide.

Ambrose Evans-Pritchard interviewed the Parks family extensively. In "The Secret Life of Bill Clinton," he reports that Parks was a nervous wreck for the next two months. He packed a gun and drove evasively to shake off any possible pursuers. At one point, Parks told his family that Bill Clinton was "cleaning house" and that he was "next on the list." Parks had been security chief for Clinton-Gore campaign headquarters in Little Rock, Ark., in 1992.

On Sept. 23, 1993, as Parks was driving to his suburban Little Rock home along the Chenal Parkway, a white Chevrolet Caprice with two men inside drove alongside and peppered Parks' car with semiautomatic gunfire. Parks's car ground to a halt. A man emerged from the white Chevy, fired two rounds into Parks' chest with a 9-mm pistol, then sped off.

Several witnesses watched the murder. The killers were never found. As with so many other "Arkancides" – the name given to the long list of suspicious deaths among Arkansas associates of the Clintons – Big Media ignored the event.

One of the last people to see Vincent Foster alive was Linda Tripp, who then worked as a secretary for Foster's boss, White House Counsel Bernard Nussbaum. Tripp testified before Kenneth Starr's grand jury on July 28, 1998, that the reason she had leaked Monica Lewinsky's story to Michael Isikoff at Newsweek was that Tripp hoped the spotlight of national publicity might protect her from physical harm.

"I am afraid of this administration," Tripp told the Grand Jury.

I have what I consider to be well-founded fears of what they are capable of ... I had reasons to believe that the Vince Foster tragedy was not depicted accurately under oath by members of the administration ... I knew based on personal knowledge, personal observations, that they were lying under oath. So it became very fearful to me that I had information even back then that was dangerous.

"But do you have any examples of violence being done by the administration to people who were a threat to them?" asked a juror.

Tripp named Jerry Parks. "[T]he behavior in the West Wing with senior staff to the president during the time the Jerry Parks [murder report] came over the fax frightened me. He had been killed," said Tripp. The "flurry of activity," the closed-door meetings, and the "hush-hush" atmosphere in the White House all struck her as ominous and frightening.

"Maybe you had to be there," said Tripp.

[The news of Parks' death] was something they wanted to get out in front of. There was talk that this would be another body to add to the list of 40 bodies or something that were associated with the Clinton administration. At that time, I didn't know what that meant. I have since come to see such a list.

Some skeptics might discount Tripp's fears as fanciful, even hysterical. But Tripp was no hysteric. On the contrary, she had been trained to deal with stress and intrigue to a greater degree than most. According to the New York Times, Tripp worked for "highly classified Army intelligence and commando units in the 1980s," including as an aide to the top-secret Delta Force. "[I]'ve worked on the covert side of the Department of Defense," Tripp told congressional investigators. In short, Linda Tripp was a spook, a professional denizen of the intelligence underworld. Her observations should not be lightly dismissed.

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