Lost in all the chaos of the Gulf oil spill is Barack Obama’s 52-page manifesto for a New World Order.
I invite you to read for yourself his misnamed “National Security Strategy” – misnamed because it is actually a blueprint for running the whole world like he’s been running the United States since January 2009.
Obama is hardly the first president to plead for America to join a New World Order. It started with the first George Bush and has continued unabated through three more administrations. But Obama’s so-called “National Security Strategy” has little to do with securing the U.S. from threats and much more to do with turning over the U.S. to the illegitimate authority of global organizations.
It starts early in the table of contents: “Promoting a Just and Sustainable International Order.”
Woodrow Wilson tried with the League of Nations. Franklin D. Roosevelt tried with the United Nations. I guess we’re going to keep trying this path until we get it right.
Nowhere in this document will you see the word “sovereignty” used in regard to the United States – only about Iraq and Russia. (Maybe all of us who want to live in a free and independent nation need to move to one of those locales?)
The last seven pages of the document are about this new “international order” Obama wants to build – a pretty ambitious agenda for a guy who has never run any business or served in any executive capacity before assuming the presidency. But don’t worry. His plan is to bring in some people with lots of experience running things – the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, to name a few.
This “international order” term is not a theme in the report, it’s an obsession:
- “Just as America helped to determine the course of the 20th century, we must now build the sources of American strength and influence, and shape an international order capable of overcoming the challenges of the 21st century.”
- “We will do so by building upon the sources of our strength at home, while shaping an international order that can meet the challenges of our time. This strategy recognizes the fundamental connection between our national security, our national competitiveness, resilience and moral example. And it reaffirms America’s commitment to pursue our interests through an international system in which all nations have certain rights and responsibilities.”
- “This engagement will underpin our commitment to an international order based upon rights and responsibilities. International institutions must more effectively represent the world of the 21st century, with a broader voice – and greater responsibilities – for emerging powers, and they must be modernized to more effectively generate results on issues of global interest.”
- “Finally, our efforts to shape an international order that promotes a just peace must facilitate cooperation capable of addressing the problems of our time. This international order will support our interests, but it is also an end that we seek in its own right. New challenges hold out the prospect of opportunity, but only if the international community breaks down the old habits of suspicion to build upon common interests. A global effort to combat climate change must draw upon national actions to reduce emissions and a commitment to mitigate their impact. Efforts to prevent conflicts and keep the peace in their aftermath can stop insecurity from spreading. Global cooperation to prevent the spread of pandemic disease can promote public health.”
- “An international order advanced by U.S. leadership that promotes peace, security and opportunity through stronger cooperation to meet global challenges.”
- “Our engagement will underpin a just and sustainable international order – just, because it advances mutual interests, protects the rights of all and holds accountable those who refuse to meet their responsibilities; sustainable because it is based on broadly shared norms and fosters collective action to address common challenges.”
- “This engagement will pursue an international order that recognizes the rights and responsibilities of all nations. As we did after World War II, we must pursue a rules-based international system that can advance our own interests by serving mutual interests. International institutions must be more effective and representative of the diffusion of influence in the 21st century. Nations must have incentives to behave responsibly, or be isolated when they do not. The test of this international order must be the cooperation it facilitates and the results it generates – the ability of nations to come together to confront common challenges like violent extremism, nuclear proliferation, climate change and a changing global economy.”
- “That is precisely the reason we should strengthen enforcement of international law and our commitment to engage and modernize international institutions and frameworks. Those nations that refuse to meet their responsibilities will forsake the opportunities that come with international cooperation. Credible and effective alternatives to military action – from sanctions to isolation – must be strong enough to change behavior, just as we must reinforce our alliances and our military capabilities. And if nations challenge or undermine an international order that is based upon rights and responsibilities, they must find themselves isolated.”
- “Furthermore, our international order must recognize the increasing influence of individuals in today’s world.”
- “Within this context, we know that an international order where every nation upholds its rights and responsibilities will remain elusive. Force will sometimes be necessary to confront threats. Technology will continue to bring with it new dangers. Poverty and disease will not be completely abolished. Oppression will always be with us. But if we recognize these challenges, embrace America’s responsibility to confront them with its partners and forge new cooperative approaches to get others to join us in overcoming them, then the international order of a globalized age can better advance our interests and the common interests of nations and peoples everywhere.”
- “An international order advanced by U.S. leadership that promotes peace, security and opportunity through stronger cooperation to meet global challenges.”
- “Furthermore, we embrace America’s unique responsibility to promote international security – a responsibility that flows from our commitments to allies, our leading role in supporting a just and sustainable international order and our unmatched military capabilities.”
- “America’s commitment to the rule of law is fundamental to our efforts to build an international order that is capable of confronting the emerging challenges of the 21st century.”
- “The United States will protect its people and advance our prosperity irrespective of the actions of any other nation, but we have an interest in a just and sustainable international order that can foster collective action to confront common challenges. This international order will support our efforts to advance security, prosperity and universal values, but it is also an end that we seek in its own right. Because without such an international order, the forces of instability and disorder will undermine global security. And without effective mechanisms to forge international cooperation, challenges that recognize no borders – such as climate change, pandemic disease and transnational crime – will persist and potentially spread.”
- “International institutions – most prominently NATO and the United Nations – have been at the center of our international order since the mid-20th century. Yet, an international architecture that was largely forged in the wake of World War II is buckling under the weight of new threats, making us less able to seize new opportunities. Even though many defining trends of the 21st century affect all nations and peoples, too often, the mutual interests of nations and peoples are ignored in favor of suspicion and self-defeating competition.”
- “What is needed, therefore, is a realignment of national actions and international institutions with shared interests. And when national interests do collide – or countries prioritize their interests in different ways – those nations that defy international norms or fail to meet their sovereign responsibilities will be denied the incentives that come with greater integration and collaboration with the international community. No international order can be supported by international institutions alone. Our mutual interests must be underpinned by bilateral, multilateral and global strategies that address underlying sources of insecurity and build new spheres of cooperation. To that end, strengthening bilateral and multilateral cooperation cannot be accomplished simply by working inside formal institutions and frameworks. It requires sustained outreach to foreign governments, political leaderships and other critical constituencies that must commit the necessary capabilities and resources to enable effective, collective action. And it means building upon our traditional alliances, while also cultivating partnerships with new centers of influence. Taken together, these approaches will allow us to foster more effective global cooperation to confront challenges that know no borders and affect every nation.”
- “Although the United States and our allies and partners may sometimes disagree on specific issues, we will act based upon mutual respect and in a manner that continues to strengthen an international order that benefits all responsible international actors.”
- “The rise of the G-20, for example, as the premier international economic forum, represents a distinct shift in our global international order toward greater cooperation between traditional major economies and emerging centers of influence.”
- “Many of today’s challenges cannot be solved by one nation or even a group of nations. The test of our international order, therefore, will be its ability to facilitate the broad and effective global cooperation necessary to meet 21st–century challenges.”
Do you get the picture? Do you want to read more? Do you need to read more?
Keep in mind, this is Obama’s National Security Strategy.
Heaven help us.
Network ‘news judgment’ depends on who benefits
Tim Graham