Why anti-journalists savaged Tim Adams

By Jack Cashill

In early June, 2010, less than a week after anyone outside of his immediate circle ever heard of Tim Adams, MSNBC’s Keith Olbermann publicly named Adams the “Third Worst
Person In The World.”

Olbermann cited, halfway accurately, a WND article quoting Adams’ claim that “a long form hospital-generated birth certificate for Obama does not even exist in the Aloha state.”

Then Olbermann threw in the kicker. Adams was a “white supremacist.” He made his claim about “a black president” at a meeting of a group whose own racist website denounced anyone who advocated integration.

Having successfully trashed the reputation of a still another lying right-winger, the high priest of the anti-journalists concluded his slander with a smarmy zinger, “Well done, WorldNetDaily.”

As WND reported in this month’s Whistleblower Magazine, anti-journalists like Olbermann do not report the news, let alone the truth. Rather, they attack the people who do.

No one knows this better than Adams, a self-proclaimed libertarian and hedonist who shares his experience with good humor and high style in his recently posted masters thesis from Western Kentucky University, “Discourse and Conflict: The President Barak H. Obama Birth Certificate Controversy and the New Media.”

The 10 days that shook Adams’ world began with his decision to attend a conference of the Council of Conservative Citizens, a paleo-conservative political action committee meeting in nearby Nashville, Tenn.

A fan of gonzo journalist Hunter Thompson, Adams hoped to have some fun with the paleos. He thought they might make a good “fear and loathing”-style subject about which to write for his summer program at WKU.

In fact, the conference-goers disappointed him. “Except for
moments of weirdness that were far too few …,” Adams reports, “the whole thing was about as calm and bourgeois as a Rotary Club meeting.”

On lunch break of the second day, Adams found himself at a table with a few young couples. More interested in meeting new people than talking politics, the tablemates discussed careers and exchanged personal stories.

When Adams mentioned that he graduated from the University of Hawaii, the topic turned to the 2008 presidential campaign.

“You were in Hawaii. What did you think of the election?” asked one of Adams’ new acquaintances.

As Adams explained, he had been part of it all. For about six critical months, he served as senior elections clerk for the City and County of Honolulu. He had seen enough shenanigans there that in September 2008 he resigned and eventually headed back to his native Kentucky.

“What do people in Hawaii say about Obama’s birth certificate?” someone asked.

“There isn’t one,” Adams answered.

“What? You mean you think that President Obama wasn’t born in Hawaii?”

Adams stuck to what he knew. “There is no hospital record of his birth in Honolulu,” he answered, “and the Hawaii Department of Health told us in the Elections Office that there was no birth certificate.”

“From all I have seen,” Adams continued, “he’s lied about being born in hospital in Hawaii. It simply didn’t happen.”

Needless to say, the listeners were fascinated. One suggested that he appear on a radio show with the unsavory title, “The Political Cesspool,” hosted live from the conference by James Edwards.

More than a little naïve above the state of anti-journalism, and hoping to straighten out a debate he thought twisted by both sides, Adams consented.

The radio interview lasted about three minutes. Adams observed “that he ran an office that verified voter eligibility that had a staff of about 50 people.”

He repeated what he told his lunch mates, “It was openly admitted by everyone in the office who was above me, at least my immediate supervisors, that there is no documentation.” By documentation, he clarified, “there is no Hawaii long-form birth certificate.”

Despite the narrow media venue, Adams had just opened a door on what could be the most damaging scandal to hit the executive branch since Aaron Burr shot Alexander Hamilton.

Although his knowledge was not sufficient to indict anyone, it should have been more than enough to stir the juices of every real journalist in the free world.

Juices were stirred all right, just not the ones Adams anticipated. “The rage vented at ANY CRITICISM of the President, or his Administration,” he discovered, “was the rage of religious fervor.”

“I was now a target,” Adams writes. “Various people began systematically attempting to locate anything I had ever done, written, or said, in an attempt to either confirm or discredit me.”

Although Adams objects to the attempts by some on the right to make him their poster boy, it was the left that was causing him real trouble.

“Angry lefties would now attempt to discredit my assertions,” Adams writes, “usually by ad hominem attack.”

Within days of the conference, a “pro-Democratic Party” weblog published an “extensive hatchet piece” on Adams.

Meanwhile, tech-savvy critics launched “phishing” attacks against Adams, trying to insinuate their way into his personal data. They also went after his emails and his classroom pages on the university servers to the point that they were disrupting university business.

Indeed, Adams’ “cyber stalkers” crawled back through nine or 10 years of emails hoping to find some errant phrase with which to discredit him.

As Adams understood, his university affiliation was his Achilles heel. It is the rare institution of higher learning that will defend the politically incorrect.

Almost immediately, the functionaries who represented WKU were verbally abused, threatened with violence and charged with institutional racism. Adams’ boss was told in no uncertain terms that his grad student was a Nazi.

To their credit, his superiors at WKU stood by Adams. Still, they felt compelled to place a gag order on their truth-telling student.

“While no doubt they simultaneously held out hopes of personally discrediting me, and/or getting me fired/financially ruining me,” Adams writes of his attackers, “at the moment getting me silenced, preventing my speaking with the media, was their first priority and this my opposition accomplished. … ”

This week of media wilding culminated in Olbermann’s slander. Of course, Adams was not a white supremacist. Of course, the Council of Conservative Citizens had none of the racist language on its website that Olbermann said it had, but the anti-journalists had done their job.

They had silenced Adams on his own campus and rendered him toxic in newsrooms of all political stripes. The cunning left-leaning media chose not to see, and the cowardly right-leaning media were afraid to look.

Not one major news organization in the world bothered to walk through the door that Adams had opened. They would not talk to him or to his superiors in Hawaii.

Instead, says Adams, “I and the rest of you were all treated to the sight of selected media talking heads, waving this scrap of paper around and telling us, loudly, how evil and stupid anyone who doubted the president’s official mythology was.”

Welcome, Tim, to the bizarro world of the anti-journalist, and thanks for shedding some light upon it.