Police in Ferguson, Missouri, during a fourth night of violence after the police shooting of a black teen.

Police in Ferguson, Missouri, during a fourth night of violence after the police shooting of a black teen.

Editor’s Note: Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson’s book, “The Antidote: Healing America From the Poison of Hate, Blame, and Victimhood,” available to order from the WND Superstore, deals directly with the anger fueling the “Black Lives Matter” movement. At a time when our nation is seeing this anger erupt into intense black riots in Milwaukee and most recently Charlotte (as well as black terrorist attacks on white police in Dallas and Baton Rouge), his message in “The Antidote” couldn’t be more timely, or important.

The following is an excerpt from “The Antidote:”

By Jesse Lee Peterson

More than any time in the past forty years, I fear for the future. President Obama, black political leaders, white agitators, and the media all seem intent on fomenting racial unrest. They have focused on incident after incident – the Capitol Hill protest, the Trayvon Martin shooting, the Michael Brown shooting, the Eric Garner death, the Tony Robinson shooting, the Freddie Gray death – lied to America about what happened, stirred up black anger with their lies, and then exploited the anger for ratings, cash, or ballots.

It took former Obama supporter George Zimmerman to point out what the media should have pointed out years before. Three years after the Martin shooting, and days after being cleared by the Department of Justice, Zimmerman said that Obama’s involvement in his case “was clearly a dereliction of duty pitting Americans against each other solely based on race.” Exactly! And Zimmerman’s was not the only case that Obama nosed his way into. I have got to believe this agitation has been planned. People who think the way Obama does always want power, and what better way to gain more of it than by using disorder as a cover.

The alchemists plot, I think, under a false premise. They believe that they still control the media. They think that the editorial voice of the New York Times is America’s voice. They are confident that whites will respond as passively and as guiltily to a black uprising as the Times’ readers would. I don’t think they will. And there is one very obvious reason why.

Although the national media will not show the Brooklyn McDonald’s video or the hundreds of other videos of young black people behaving badly, white people in the millions are watching those videos. Many show whites being attacked for no other reason than that they are white. Closed from legitimate channels of debate on racial matters, white people are going underground with their discontent, and the responses are not always what we might want them to be.

A week or so after the Brooklyn McDonald’s video, a video out of Indianapolis surfaced. As the Indianapolis Star reported the incident, “A video of a young girl and her little brother being beat down by a female assailant surfaced early Sunday morning on the website LiveLeak.com.” The incident follows an all-too-familiar pattern. The reader learns that the fourteen-year-old attacker “throws the first punch.” In fact, it was a sucker punch. This was not a fight. It was an attack. She knocks the victim down with the punch, and “continues to beat and kick her in the face.” Several individuals watch the attack but, of course, “no one attempts to step in and break up the suspect’s onslaught.” The victim does not even know the name of her attacker. As the beating continues, she cries out, “What did I do? What did I do? No. What did I do? Please stop.”

The victim finally manages to wrangle away and runs off with her five-year-old brother, but her attacker comes charging after her, tackles her, and “begins slugging and stomping the victim in the face.” When the little brother – bless his heart! – steps in and swings at the attacker, she grabs him by his neck and flings him to the concrete sidewalk. At this point, the attacker backs off with the onlookers still laughing. She was subsequently arrested on another charge, the brass-knuckled beating of a second teen later that day – race, of course, unknown. The Star article concluded on this note, “By 8 p.m. Sunday, the video had been viewed more than 1 million times.” To be clear, that is more than one million views in the first twelve hours.

Those who saw the video knew a few things Star readers did not. The most obvious was that the attacker was black, and the victim and her brother were white. The onlookers were black as well. So was the gleeful, cackling girl who shot the video and narrated it. To be fair, the Star was not the only media outlet to censor the obvious. Consider this absurd description of the attack from TV station Fox 59: “In the video, a girl wearing black is pulled to the ground by a girl wearing white.” That was helpful. Otherwise – what? – viewers would not have been able to tell them apart?

Viewers, however, are not as clueless as the media execs think they are. “If a white person did this to a black child,” said one fellow on LiveLeak, “Obama would scramble the National Guard and CNN would headline it for the next three months.” He was likely not far from the truth. That the Star did not report so obvious a fact as the race of those involved had to disgust readers who also viewed the video. How could they take that paper seriously after so glaring and so typical an omission? By denying that basic a fact, the Star let its readers know there would be no public discussion of the problem at hand and, if there was, it would deal with “teen” violence.

The comments section on LiveLeak reveals the increasing anger among white people. “I’m so angry after watching that. That dirty f***** b***h needs to be hung from the nearest tree,” reads one comment. “If that isn’t a hate crime and felony then what is?” reads a second. And a third, “I really hope someone hangs that f***** from a tree one night. Swap the races and that would be national news and they’d be screaming for the death penalty!” There are two major takeaways from these comments. One is that white people don’t buy the media spin anymore. They know that there is a glaring double standard in the way crime is being reported and even prosecuted. The second is that many are willing to express their anger in racially taboo terms. Although understandable, that is not healthy. As I know from my own life, anger is not something you control. It controls you. When we let anger control our souls, we all lose.

In the follow-up articles on the attack, we see all the symptoms of community collapse that I have been talking about for the last twenty five years. The most obvious is that the spokesperson for the attacker’s family is the grandmother. There is no father or grandfather in sight. “I was thinking my granddaughter went over the edge. That’s how I felt,” the grandmother told the local media. She visited her granddaughter in detention and recounted the conversation, “Grandma, I black out when this happens. I just black out.” No doubt this girl has as many mental health problems as she has excuses. The mother and grandmother traced her path through various government agencies, all to no avail. The media refused to see, however, that this girl was more the norm than the exception in the community that produced her.

The proof is that her friends cheered on this gratuitous attack. Scarier still, they were cheering because the victim was white. There was no other reason for the attack. “All the other people watching & laughing are just as guilty,” wrote one Asian woman commenting on LiveLeak. Watching the video gave her flashbacks. As an Asian girl in an otherwise black and white neighborhood, it was inevitably the black girls who bullied her. For years nonblacks have had to stifle their complaints. Social media has given them voice. They may not express themselves charitably, but those who ignore that anger will pay for their ignorance.

If white anger is well concealed, black anger is not. The nightly news, almost every night, shows some manifestation of it – a march here, a mob action there, a riot somewhere else. Some talking head will be trotted out to explain why the anger is justified and what white America must do to atone. When asked, for instance, whether the police should crack down on mobs of black teens raising hell on the famed Country Club Plaza in his native Kansas City, Black Caucus chair Emanuel Cleaver said for the ages, “All we are going to do is make a lot of black kids angry and they are going to take out their anger somewhere else.” As to why those kids are angry, alchemists like Cleaver don’t even bother with an explanation. You saw Roots, didn’t you?

To understand how lethal this anger can be, it might pay to look at the phenomenon of the black mass murderer. You say, what? Black mass murderer? If you are like a lot of people, you think mass murder is a white thing. The media encourage you to do so. “Why Most Mass Murderers Are Privileged White Men,” wrote Hugo Schwyzer in Jezebel in 2012. This is a riff you hear occasionally from black comics as well, but the perception results from the way the media treat black serial killers, not from the reality on the ground.

An all-but-untold story is how black anger has been finding an outlet in unhinged acts of violence. Inevitably these killers blame white people for their rage. True to form, the media refuse to examine the deeper reasons for their rage, if they bother to discuss these crimes at all. For instance, in March 2015, J. C. X. Simon, sixty-nine, died an obscure death in a California prison cell. Thirty years earlier, he and three other “zebra killers” went on an openly racist killing spree that resulted in the shooting of at least twenty-one whites and Asians in San Francisco, fourteen of whom died. Not one American in a thousand could tell you word one about the zebra murders, let alone about J. C. X. Simon. The Zodiac killer, by contrast, worked the same area, at roughly the same time, killed far fewer people, and drew hugely more media attention, including a feature film.


The media’s natural impulse is to bury stories of black-on-white crime, even those with multiple victims. This the national media did successfully in December 2000 after brothers Reginald and Jonathan Carr raped, sexually humiliated, and shot five decent young men and women, killing four. Days earlier, the brothers had shot and killed another white woman. Despite the heinous nature of the crimes, the story of the “Wichita Massacre” barely left Wichita. The Kansas City media would not even talk about it. This was too bad if for no other reason than to show once again how paternal abandonment and abuse can fill the children left behind with murderous rage. The brothers’ upbringing was textbook family breakdown. Their targeting of white victims was hardly random. The media’s indifference was not random either.

To get the attention of the media, black mass murderers must do something perverse, public, and undeniable. Jamaican-born Colin Ferguson did just that in December 1993 when he walked down the aisle of a Long Island Railroad car shooting twenty-five people, none of them black, killing six of them. After three brave passengers tackled him, the police found a note in his pocket. Under the heading, “reasons for this,” he cited “racism by Caucasians and Uncle Tom Negroes.”

Throughout his troubled life, in fact, Ferguson had been accusing people of racism. He left Jamaica after his parents died and never found his stride. His relentless anger had cost him one job after another, and he inevitably lashed out at his employers. In 1993, however, even the New York Times wasn’t buying his rationale. “While Mr. Ferguson blamed racism for all his misfortunes and shattered expectations,” wrote the Times’ Robert McFadden, “the examination of his past shows no evidence that he was ever a victim of discrimination.”

“The Antidote: Healing America From the Poison of Hate, Blame, and Victimhood,” is available to order from the WND Superstore. In it, Jesse Lee Peterson deals directly with the anger fueling the “Black Lives Matter” movement.

That lack of evidence did not trouble Ferguson’s radical attorneys, Ronald Kuby and William Kunstler. They saw an opportunity to exploit white guilt and seized it, introducing a “black rage” defense to save their client. “Nobody is saying Colin Ferguson did a good thing,” said Kuby. “We’re just saying that he was not responsible for his own conduct. White racism is to blame.” The judge and jury did not see it that way – Ferguson was convicted and sent away for life – but the attorneys managed to shift the public debate away from Ferguson’s guilt or innocence to society’s. That shift did black people no good.

The next black mass murderer to show his head was arguably the most terrifying in recent American history. Born John Allen Williams in Louisiana, this killer went by the name John Allen Muhammad after joining the Nation of Islam in 1987. He would carry that name forward until the State of Virginia quietly executed him in 2009.

Muhammad’s childhood is another textbook study in the effects of parental abandonment. Sari Horowitz and Michael Ruane, authors of “Sniper: The Hunt for the Killers Who Terrorized the Nation,” chronicled his early years in a chapter aptly titled “The Roots of Rage.” Those roots ran deep. Muhammad’s father, a railroad porter, was scarcely around during the first few years of his son’s life. Upon the death of his wife when Muhammad was three, he split altogether. From that point on, his aunts raised him.

Like so many young men in similar straits, Muhammad proved to be no better a father than his father was to him. He had one child out of wedlock, a second child with his first wife, Carol, and a third child with his second wife, Mildred. During much of that time he served in either the Army Reserves or in the regular army. A year after being discharged in 1994 – honorably but with a few racially charged incidents along the way – he helped the Nation of Islam provide security for the Million Man March, an event attended by Barack Obama, among other luminaries.

Now on his own, Muhammad tried his hand at entrepreneurship but without success. Removed from the enforced discipline of the military, he quickly ran his car repair business into the ground and blamed everyone but himself, especially Mildred. After their divorce, she had to file a protection order against him. “You have become my enemy, and as my enemy, I will kill you,” he told her.

In 2000, Muhammad abducted his three children and flew to Antigua. There he supported himself, but just barely, with a variety of shadowy hustles. He spent about a year on the island. Before he left, though, he met a Jamaican woman and her fatherless teenage son, Lee Malvo. He took the needy Malvo under his wing and soon had him spouting verses from the Quran. Even before they headed back to the United States, Malvo was calling Muhammad “Dad.”

A little over a year after returning to the United States, the heavily armed Muhammad was cruising the Washington, D.C., area in a Chevy Caprice with Malvo, now seventeen and fully submissive, at his side. Unwilling to face his own failures as a son, father, and man, Muhammad transferred his wrath toward America. He would rage about its “slavery, hypocrisy and foreign policy,” Malvo claimed at Muhammad’s trial in 2006. According to Malvo, Muhammad planned to “terrorize” the area by killing six whites a day for thirty days. He was particularly keen on shooting pregnant white women.

Muhammad did not get the body count he hoped, but for the month of October 2002, he did succeed in paralyzing metropolitan D.C. Before the month was through, he and Malvo had shot thirteen random people, killing ten of them. Authorities would trace twelve shootings earlier in 2002 to the pair – seven of the victims died. For all the havoc he wreaked, Muhammad failed to secure the attention he craved. “Prediction: Muhammad’s trial will make him as famous as McVeigh. All America will now know his name,” columnist Pat Buchanan wrote shortly after their arrest. Buchanan did not understand the media as well as he thought.

Up until the moment Muhammad and Malvo were apprehended, the media had been openly speculating – hoping, really – that the killers were white. When they proved to be black, with Muslim ties to boot, the media gave them as little attention as possible given the massive coverage they generated before their capture. The same media that had chronicled the pending execution of Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh day by day in 2001 all but ignored the execution of John Allen Muhammad in 2009. The alchemists could pull no useful spin from his death. “The motive for the attacks remains murky,” wrote Dena Potter of the Associated Press. Neither Potter nor anyone else in the media traced his motive to an irrational anger born out of abandonment and fueled by the alchemists who reassured him nothing was his fault. True to form, Muhammad protested his innocence to the end.

It was not until after Barack Obama was elected president that the pace of the killing picked up. This seemed ironic only to those who did not understand Obama’s agenda. On August 3, 2010, thirty-four-year-old Omar Thornton headed into the family-owned Connecticut beer distributorship where he had worked for the last two years. He had cause to be anxious. Management had caught him on video stealing beer on more than one occasion. After a disciplinary hearing, Thornton handed in his resignation to avoid being terminated. Instead of leaving the building, however, he pulled two Ruger SR9 pistols from his lunchbox and started firing. After shooting ten of his coworkers, killing eight of them, he called 911. “You probably want to know why I shot this place up,” said Thornton. “This place here is a racist place.” Thornton made no bones about his motives. “They treat me bad over here,” he continued, “and they treat all the other black employees bad over here too, so I just take it into my own hands and I handled the problem – I wish I coulda got more of the people.”

Thornton had the mama syndrome bad. Like O. J. Simpson after his murders, he made one personal call. It was to his mother, Lillie Holliday. “I killed the five racists that was there bothering me,” he told her. She took his claims of racism at face value. Among other insults he had allegedly experienced, Thornton claimed to have seen drawings on the wall of President Obama with his head in a noose. Holliday was unable to talk her son out of what he planned to do next – shoot and kill himself.

Despite the media’s initial efforts, the racism angle did not play as well as Thornton and Holliday might have hoped. Every agency that examined the company’s HR practices gave it a clean bill of health. Thornton had made no prior complaint to either management or the union about racial harassment. None of the other black employees had experienced any racism. And there was no doubt that the company had him dead to rights for stealing beer, a capital offense in a beer distributorship. With the racism well quickly running dry, the media collectively decided to bury the story. They much preferred the various narratives that white serial killers presented. Union officials wanted the story to die too. Said Teamsters honcho Christopher Roos, “It’s got nothing to do with race. This is a disgruntled employee who shot a bunch of people.”

Of course, it had everything to do with race, just not in the way the media hoped it would. Holliday and other Thornton supporters kept the racial fires simmering through the OST (Omar Sheriff Thornton) Memorial Foundation. On the surface the foundation is dedicated to “raising awareness of and combating institutional racism in all of its forms.” To reinforce that theme, one prominent visual contains images of the “legends” that inspired the foundation – Malcolm X, Martin Luther King, and back-to-Africa guru Marcus Garvey. Another visual shows lynched black men hanging from trees.

Race is obviously the prominent theme, but a closer look at the foundation shows it to be a tribute to an unhealthy relationship between a mother and her son. The foundation’s updated cover image, for instance, has a photo of Thornton in the center – “MY ANGEL, MY EVERYTHING” – surrounded by what appears to be four photos of Holliday. There is no mention of Thornton’s father in the foundation literature or in any media accounts. The fact that Thornton and his mother have different last names suggests the father has not been in the picture – literally or otherwise – for a long time. The fact that Thornton formed no family of his own suggests the lack of a reliable role model in his life.

If the media had spent one-tenth the time on this Connecticut shooting that they did on the Sandy Hook shooting two years later, they might have helped their audiences understand what went wrong in the life of Omar Thornton. He was not the victim of racism – institutional or otherwise. If he was the victim of anything, it was of a disordered home life and of society’s refusal to acknowledge the emotional fallout from that disorder. The pattern stares the media in the face – angry black man displaces his anger from his parents to the white man – but the media either avert their gaze or blame the white man. It is so much easier than telling the truth.

Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson

Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson

The media had another opportunity to avert their gaze just a few years later. In 2013, in Los Angeles, Christopher Dorner declared “unconventional and asymmetric warfare” on the Los Angeles Police Department. Before he took his own life, Dorner killed four people and wounded three others; six of the seven were police officers. Only one was black.

Born in 1979, Dorner grew up in largely white California neighborhoods and graduated from college. Despite his good fortune, he was an angry young man who funneled his anger – as the media encouraged him to – into racial grievances. In a manifesto of sorts that he wrote before his lethal rampage, he documented the racial insults he had endured or imagined all the way back to the first grade and right up through his time on the LAPD. He also made frequent reference to his mother, who was biracial, but none to his father. In fact, I could find no reference at all to Dorner’s father in any of the media accounts. That said, he congratulated several of his friends for being a “great father.” He seems to have recognized what he missed in his own life.

In his relationships with women, Dorner showed all the classic symptoms of a man who never had a useful role model. One ex-girlfriend, a black woman, called him “severely emotionally and mentally disturbed.” She went so far as to warn other would-be girlfriends about Dorner on a site called dontdatehimgirl.com. “Just be careful,” wrote the woman, “because this guy is a police officer and he will probably think that he can get away with anything.” Of note, she also claimed that Dorner hated himself for being black and wanted her to act more like a white woman. Dorner married a fellow police officer in 2007, but that marriage lasted less than three weeks. And it was an incident with a white female training officer on the LAPD, also in 2007, that cost him his job.

Much as I did before I saw the light, Dorner insisted on viewing all his troubles through a racial prism. Although the LAPD was subject to intrusive federal race and gender oversight during Dorner’s tenure, the LAPD he saw was racist to the core. The “sole intent” of the white officers was to “victimize minorities who are uneducated, and unaware of criminal law, civil law, and civil rights,” he wrote in his manifesto. As Dorner imagined, “The department has not changed since the Rampart and Rodney King days. It has gotten worse.” The nation was doing no better than the department. Dorner “shed a tear” the night Obama was elected, and he bought the media line that Obama’s critics attacked him only because he was black. “You,” by which Dorner meant red state America, “call [Obama’s] supporters, whether black, brown, yellow, or white, leeches, FSA, welfare recipients, and ni$&er [sic] lovers. You say this openly without any discretion.” This hateful mindlessness came to him courtesy of the mainstream media. Dorner cited people like MSNBC’s Chris Matthews and Piers Morgan, then with CNN, for his political insights.

Yet for all his demons, Dorner had moments of real clarity. He concluded his manifesto with a thoughtful appeal for black self-improvement. The shame is that in rejecting Christ’s love – “I am not a f***ing Christian” – he could not do for himself what he asked of others:

Blacks must strive for more in life than bling, hoes, and cars. The current culture is an epidemic that leaves them with no discernible future. They’re suffocating and don’t even know it. MLK Jr. would be mortified at what he worked so hard for in our acceptance as equal beings and how unfortunately we stopped progressing and began digressing. Chicago’s youth violence is a prime example of how our black communities values have declined. We cannot address this nation’s intolerant issues until we address our own communities morality issues first.

Seven months after Dorner’s killing spree, Aaron Alexis descended on the Washington Navy Yard, guns blazing, and killed thirteen people before being killed by police. Right up until the end, Alexis and Dorner led parallel lives. They were both black and male and were born within a month of each other in New York in 1979. Each of them graduated high school, attended college, joined the Navy Reserve, and assimilated at least superficially into the larger “white” world.

Unfortunately, like Dorner and Thornton, Muhammad and Malvo, Alexis lacked a strong father figure in his life and learned to focus the resulting anger on racial grievances.

“The Antidote: Healing America From the Poison of Hate, Blame, and Victimhood,” is available to order from the WND Superstore. In it, Jesse Lee Peterson deals directly with the anger fueling the “Black Lives Matter” movement.

As was true in each of these cases, the media paid little attention to Alexis’s family background. In reading multiple reports, I found the best evidence in the comments of a neighbor of Alexis’s when he was growing up. According to Newsday, the neighbor remembered the family – “a mom, a daughter and two teenage boys” – living directly above her for two years. The father surfaced after the shooting to say that his son suffered from PTSD – the same ailment that the grandmother attributed to her granddaughter in the Indianapolis video – but had little else to offer.

Unlike Dorner and Thornton, Alexis left no record of why he killed thirteen people, twelve of them his former colleagues. There is evidence, though, that Alexis directed his anger in much the same way others had. “He felt a lot of discrimination and racism with white people especially,” said friend Kristi Suthamtewkal. Like the others, Alexis refused to see his own emotional problems for what they were. When the navy discharged him after at least nine incidents of misconduct – including insubordination, unauthorized absences, drunkenness, and an arrest for disorderly conduct at an Atlanta nightclub – he blamed the navy. According to a friend, “He thought he never got a promotion because of the color of his skin.” Like several of the others, Alexis rejected Christianity, but he found no more peace in Buddhism than Muhammad did in Islam or Dorner did in the cobbled-together secular humanism he’d embraced.

In Oklahoma, Alton Nolen found a formal outlet for his hatred of white people as well. That hatred culminated in the beheading of a white, female coworker and the slashing of another at the food processing plant where they worked. Nolen had recently converted to Islam. Some saw his assault as something of a jihad, but his behavioral pattern almost perfectly mirrors that of the other murderers profiled.

As with the others, I could find no reference to a father in Nolen’s life. The spokesperson for the family was the mother, Joyce Nolen. In an awkward video, she apologized to the families of the people her son attacked, but she insisted, “There’s two sides to every story, and we’re only hearing one.” She added, “I am praying that justice will prevail, the whole story will come out, the whole story.” She was suggesting, I suppose, that the victims somehow provoked the attack. Like the other mothers, she could not believe her son would do anything like this. “My son was raised up in a loving home,” she insisted, but there was a big something missing from that home.

Whatever was missing, it left Nolen an angry young man. That anger, I have seen, affects people in every aspect of their lives. Anger makes people irresponsible and inconsiderate. Angry people have no love and respect for themselves and or for their fellow man. They often have no functioning inner compass to override the anger. Consequently, angry people like Nolen – or Ferguson or Thornton or Dorner or Alexis – make for very poor employees. On the day of his rampage, Nolen was suspended for making insulting remarks about whites to his coworkers. “He was basically saying he didn’t like white people and had an altercation with our second victim based on that,” said the local district attorney. After being escorted out of the plant, Nolen drove home, grabbed a large kitchen knife, and came back slashing. If the company’s CFO had not shot him, Nolen might have killed more people. He had every intention of doing just that.

Like Nolen, Ismaaiyl Brinsley of Baltimore parked his antiwhite anger at the local mosque. He may well have been in the audience when the Nation of Islam’s Louis Farrakhan came to Baltimore’s Morgan State University in November 2014 to spread the same hateful venom that first infected me back in the late 1960s. Farrakhan spoke to a huge crowd at Morgan State, praising the rioters in Ferguson and elsewhere. He denounced the “cowardly punkified black leadership” of Eric Holder and Barack Obama for their rejection, however halfhearted, of the explosion of violence against “the white man’s tyranny on black people.” At the end of the speech, Farrakhan shouted, “We’ll tear this g*****n country up.” When he finished, the crowd leaped up cheering and chanting, “Allahu Akbar.”

Just a month later, Brinsley left Baltimore for New York to start tearing this country up. His anger ran deep. His father split when he was about nine. He quickly learned that if he got in trouble at school, his father would have to pay attention. So he got in trouble often, enough trouble that no one really wanted him around. He bounced from mother to father to sister to a home for troubled boys back to his sister again. “Ismaaiyl learned to live on a couch,” wrote the New York Times. “He was so estranged at times from his mother that she wasn’t certain where he went to high school.” As a young adult, he wrote on Facebook, “SOMETIMES I FEEL LIKE A MOTHER-LESS CHILD.” Opined the Times’ reporters, “For some reason, Mr. Brinsley was feeling angry.” For some reason?

Brinsley’s problems with his mother spilled over into his problem with women. Although he had two children out of wedlock, he never married. He had reportedly threatened to kill one woman and tried to punch out a Waffle House employee who asked him to leave. He began the final day of his life – December 20, 2014 – by shooting a woman in Baltimore who had rejected him. After wounding her, he called his mother, Shakuwra Dabre, from a bus on the way to New York. “It’s a wrap,” he told her. “I already know it’s a wrap.” Dabre was half-afraid he was coming for her.


He wasn’t. The civil rights leadership and the media had given him a more heroic outlet for his wrath, the New York City Police. A few days before the shooting, marchers in New York were chanting, “What do we want? Dead cops. When do we want it? Now.” Enraged by the lies the media were spinning and inspired by the protests, Brinsley posted on Instagram, “I’m putting wings on pigs today. They take one of ours . . . let’s take 2 of theirs.” Brinsley surfaced in Brooklyn, saw a couple of cops sitting in a patrol car, and opened fire. He killed them both. One was Hispanic. One was Asian-American. Brinsley had failed at many things in his life. On this last day, he failed to even kill a white man. Before the police could apprehend him, he took his own life.

Although the median age for murder is less than twenty-five, Brinsley was twenty-eight when he killed the New York cops. Nolen was thirty when he attacked his coworkers. Ferguson, Thornton, and Dorner were all in their early thirties as well when they launched their assaults. Muhammad was in his late thirties. I can tell you from my own experience that there is something about approaching thirty that makes a young man reassess his life. By this time, a man should have arrived or at least be on the way to his destination. He is not a child anymore. But these men were all children. They all had blown relationships with women. They all had lost jobs. They had all failed to master their anger and grow up. None of this set them apart from white mass murderers. What set them apart was that they had someone to blame other than themselves, and that someone was the white man or, in several cases, the white woman. Blame they did. And when they moved from blame to revenge, there was always someone, starting with their moms and ending with alchemists like Sharpton or Farrakhan, ready to reassure them they were right to do so. Racist anger, black or white, infantilizes anyone who harbors it. God changed my heart, and I was blessed to be able to let go and forgive. They were not. I chose to look within. They chose to look without, but their anger clouded their vision.

After the NYPD shooting, the civil rights leaders made a show of disowning Brinsley, but many of their followers took to social media to congratulate him. According to one blogger, Brinsley was a “Hero and African Freedom Fighter, who selflessly gave his life to Honor his Black Brothers.” In the streets of Ferguson, protesters honored the deaths of the two police officers with the hateful chant, “Pigs in a blanket; smell like bacon.” This was beginning to look an awful lot like a race war.

As I write, new evidence of an impending race war begins to surface. In Ferguson, Missouri, twenty-year-old Jeffery Williams confessed to shooting two police officers. Within days, however, Williams’s attorney was saying that Williams only confessed after being beaten by the police and that he never fired a weapon. Not knowing how to handle so explosive a case, the media did their best to bury it. Details about Williams’s life were as sketchy as those about Brinsley’s.

In New Orleans a black man named Richard White attacked two airport TSA agents with a machete before being shot by a female sheriff’s deputy. White brought to the airport a bag containing six Molotov cocktails. Authorities were quick to write White off as “troubled,” a line the media accepted without questioning, but no one seemed too eager to find out what troubled him.

In Boston, career criminal Angelo West shot Boston police officer John Moynihan in the face after being pulled over on a traffic stop. West was subsequently killed in a shoot-out with police. The neighbors weren’t happy. A menacing crowd of them surrounded the crime scene, chanting, “Hands up, don’t shoot” and “Ferguson, Ferguson.” Two years earlier, Barack Obama had awarded Moynihan the nation’s Top Cop Award at a White House ceremony for his heroic effort to save another cop’s life after the Boston bombing. He had nothing to say about the shooting. “This is where we are now,” one of the cops on the scene said. “Everyone has their own reality. Their own facts. The truth of the situation doesn’t matter.”

In Illinois, cousins Hasan and Jonas Edmonds were caught plotting to attack the Joliet Armory and kill the soldiers within. Jonas was a loser. He never graduated from high school and served five years for armed robbery. Hasan, on the other hand, did graduate from high school and served in the National Guard for four years before being arrested. Little was revealed about Hasan’s family background other than that his father was imprisoned for sexual assault when Hasan was still a child. That can do it. Like many of the others, the cousins attempted to legitimize their contempt for white America by becoming Muslims and would-be “freedom-fighters.” Hasan and Jonas had been sending messages to an undercover FBI agent, sharing his desire to bring “the flames of war to the heart” of America and to “cause as much damage and mayhem as possible.”

These flames burn brighter every day.

In Baltimore, in late April 2015, the flames exploded. The excuse given for the sacking and burning of the city was the unexplained death of a poor soul named Freddie Gray while in police custody. Gray had lived a stereotypically fatherless life in inner-city Baltimore with a heroin-addicted mother who never went to high school. Gray had all the problems that kind of life entails, including mother issues. “I used to end up in my mother’s bed,” Gray said in a deposition for a lead paint case. “She always used to say like I used to sleep with her. She used to call me ‘the mama’s boy.'” By the time of his death at age twenty-five, he had already been arrested eighteen times, including four times in the previous four months for assault, property destruction, burglary, and drugs – the staple of his arrest record.

At the time of Gray’s death, Baltimore had a black mayor, a black police chief, a majority black city council, and a police force less than half white. All the excuses used in Ferguson were out the window. That did not stop the alchemists from blaming everyone but themselves. “I think there are police departments that have to do some soul searching,” said Barack Obama. “I think there’s some communities that have to do some soul searching. But I think we as a country have to do some soul searching. This is not new. It’s been going on for decades.”

What has been going on for decades is the refusal of most black people to do any soul searching. All Obama did with his comments was create an environment for blacks to blame police. These were code words for “racism is real,” and the problem is the white man. All that the Baltimore state’s attorney did by indicting six police officers – three of them black – was to confirm that black people’s problems are someone else’s fault. In truth, nothing is going to change for the people in Baltimore – the people of America – until they take responsibility for their own lives.

“The Antidote: Healing America From the Poison of Hate, Blame, and Victimhood,” is available to order from the WND Superstore. In it, Jesse Lee Peterson deals directly with the anger fueling the “Black Lives Matter” movement.

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