As the debate over President Trump’s travel ban rages in courts of law and public opinion, one new book reminds Americans what’s at stake if the nation’s leaders allow nearly unchecked immigration from Muslim countries to continue on its current path.
In “Stealth Invasion: Muslim Conquest Through Immigration and the Resettlement Jihad,” WND news editor Leo Hohmann exposes the plan to change America by changing its people and values – with help from the U.S.’s own refugee resettlement program.
Here are Hohmann’s five biggest examples of lies, fraud and corruption in the refugee program:
1) Refugee resettlement is sold to city and state leaders as a humanitarian endeavor, but the true reason for expanding the program is to increase the amount of money flowing into the coffers of the resettlement contractors.
There are nine volunteer agencies that contract with the U.S. government to permanently resettle refugees into hundreds of cities and towns across America. The feds pay these nine contractors $2,025 for every refugee they resettle in the United States, incentivizing the contractors to plant as many refugees on American soil as they can. And the contractors keep their plans hidden from local citizens in the communities they target for resettlement.
“By contracting out this resettlement work, the federal government can evade many of the state open-records laws and the federal Freedom of Information Act and conduct the nefarious colonization of American cities largely under cover of darkness,” Hohmann writes in his book.
2) The resettlement contractors are not the only ones who benefit financially from this supposedly humanitarian endeavor; the program has become a source of cheap labor for corporate America. Chobani, the yogurt company, showed up in Twin Falls, Idaho, in 2011 promising to invest more than $430 million in a new 1 million-square-foot plant. Local officials rejoiced, saying the new yogurt plant would employ 600 people, almost all of them local. But instead of hiring locals, Chobani turned to cheap foreign labor. A steady stream of refugees was resettled in Twin Falls from more than a dozen countries, and the refugees filled nearly one-third of the 600 jobs at the plant.
Hohmann writes in his book that refugee resettlement contractors often establish a presence in American meatpacking towns to supply the meatpacking plants with a steady flow of cheap Third World labor. They have continued to pour refugees into Amarillo, Texas, where food giant Cargill is one of the area’s biggest employers, even though the city’s mayor has begged the government to stop.
Likewise, the resettlement contractor Catholic Charities has funneled Somali refugees into the small city of Owatonna, Minnesota, where they have been scooped up in large numbers by local window manufacturing plant AmesburyTruth. Hohmann reports the Somalis are allowed time off work to pray no matter what shift they are working, which causes tension when American workers realize their Somali coworkers are not as productive as they need to be. The Somalis also create an unsafe work environment by spilling water all over the floor of the employee bathrooms as they perform their ceremonial washings, which are required before a Muslim can pray.
Many American workers eventually got fed up with the Somalis and quit, and the factory filled the vacancies by hiring more Somalis.
3) The resettlement contractors often lie by claiming the vast majority of refugees are “self-supporting” within three or four months of arrival. In fact, as Hohmann demonstrates in the book, most of them remain dependent on various welfare programs longer than that. For example, 60.2 percent of refugees still use food stamps after five years in the country, whereas only 15.1 percent of native-born American citizens use food stamps.
Hohmann also notes refugees use food stamps at a rate of 75.9 percent (90 percent for Middle Eastern refugees) and cash assistance at a rate of 46.9 percent in their first year. Sixty percent of refugees use Medicaid, including 75 percent of those from the Middle East and Africa.
“The Obama administration puts the costs of the refugee program at a little over $1.2 billion per year, but that is not a reliable figure as it does not include federal welfare benefits or the cost of educating refugee students at the state and local level,” Hohmann writes.
“According to Robert Rector at the Heritage Foundation, the additional ten thousand refugees that Obama brought from Syria in fiscal 2016 will cost U.S. taxpayers $6.5 billion over the course of the refugees’ lifetimes. Sen. Jeff Sessions, R-Ala., [then-]chairman of the Senate Subcommittee on Immigration and the National Interest, warned his colleagues in the Senate that funding for the refugee program could easily surpass $55 billion in 2016.”
4) Many of the “refugees” being placed in American communities do not meet the definition of a refugee. The 1951 Geneva Convention defines a refugee as a person displaced by a “well-founded fear of persecution” due to their religious, political or ethnic affiliation. Under that definition, migrants seeking greater economic opportunity or even those fleeing wars have no standing as refugees eligible for permanent resettlement in a foreign land.
In fact, Hohmann notes in his book no group of people would fit the 1951 definition of a refugee better than persecuted Christian minorities in the Middle East.
“Yet, instead of bringing Middle Eastern Christians to America, the Obama administration focused on bringing their persecutors – the Sunni Muslims – to the United States,” he writes. “In some cases, such as in Sterling Heights, Michigan, the very same vulnerable Iraqi Christian communities that did find refuge in the United States were later surprised to learn that their Muslim persecutors were now being imported into nearby neighborhoods where they are proposing to build a mega-mosque.”
5) Back in 2008, the P-3 family reunification program was suspended when it was discovered the vast majority of East African refugees who applied to come to America under the program lied on their applications. DNA tests on P-3 applicants in seven African countries showed only around 20 percent of those trying to enter the U.S. were actually related to everyone to whom they claimed to be related.
The program remained suspended for four years, and when it resumed, DNA testing was required for all those applying for family reunification.